Sunday, September 2, 2012

SENATOR DIANNE FEINSTEIN and HUSBAND RICHARD C. BLUM LOOT CALIFORNIA and HAVE FOR A DECADE


 

WHILE LA RAZA DEM FEINSTEIN HAS VOTED FOR ANYTHING THAT BENEFITED ILLEGALS, INCLUDING DREAM ACT DISCOUNTS, HER HUSBAND, RICHARD C. BLUM IS FUCKING OVER THE UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA FOR EVERY DROP OF BLOOD HE CAN SUCK OFF.

 

Smart Money

The University of California invests $53 million in two diploma mills controlled by UC Regents chairman Richard C. Blum

June 30, 2010 - by Peter Byrne

Photograph by Curtis Cartier

A YEAR ago, Richard C. Blum, then the chairman of the Regents of the University of California, spoke at the Milken Institute's Global Conference 2009, held at the Beverly Hilton in Los Angeles. The corporate confab was hosted by Michael Milken, the "junk bond king" who went to prison in the aftermath of the savings and loan fiasco in the 1980s.

Milken, who is barred from securities trading for life by federal regulators, has since re-created himself as a proponent of investing in for-profit educational corporations, an industry that regularly comes under government and media scrutiny in response to complaints of fraud made by dissatisfied students.

At the conference, Blum, who is the husband of U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein and a professional Wall Street speculator, sat on a panel called "The New University and Its Role in the Economy," alongside the presidents of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Arizona State University. The panel focused on how universities can best serve the corporate jones for tech-savvy employees by recruiting smart freshmen with scientific talent. One panel member urged treating universities as "laboratories of business ideas and products."

As someone who oversees investment policy decisions for the University of California's $63 billion portfolio, and as the largest shareholder in two for-profit corporate-run universities (in which UC invests), Blum had a unique perspective to share at the conference. He advised public universities to attract business-oriented students with clever advertisements as vocational schools do.

"It's like anything else," he said. "It's how you market it."

Marketing strategy aside, Blum has taken on two seemingly disparate roles—one as an advocate for a nonprofit university, and the other as an owner of two for-profit educational corporations. However, as a regent, Blum has taken actions that, intentionally or not, have enhanced the value of his vocational schools. Are his loyalties conflicted?

For several years, Blum's firm, Blum Capital Partners, has been the dominant shareholder in two of the nation's largest for-profit universities, Career Education Corporation and ITT Educational Services Inc. The San Francisco–based firm's combined holdings in the two chain schools is currently $923 million. As Blum's ownership stake enlarged, UC investment managers shadowed him, ultimately investing $53 million of public money into the two educational corporations.

The Regents' conflict-of-interest policy requires them to "avoid the potential for and the appearance of conflicts of interest with respect to the selection of individual investments," and says "public officials shall not make, participate in making, or influence a governmental decision in which the official has a conflict of interest." And the California Political Reform Act of 1974 provides civil and criminal penalties for officials who ignore conflicts of interest—as UC makes clear in ethics training presentations specifically created for university officials.

The Board of Regents, however, is self-policing and tolerates situations that cause others concern. John M. Simpson of Consumer Watchdog, a nonprofit education and advocacy organization based in Santa Monica, says that's wrong.

"It is hugely inappropriate for the University of California to invest in for-profit colleges when it should be promoting public education," Simpson says. "And something stinks when university investments end up in companies largely controlled by a regent.

"To the average fellow on the street, this would seem to be a conflict of interest. It is up to Mr. Blum and the UC treasurer to explain how it could not be a conflict of interest."

THE BUSINESS OF EDUCATION: While UC students were protesting budget cuts last spring (far right), the firm owned by UC Regent Richard Blum (right) was enjoying record dividends from its investment in for-profit colleges. Photograph by Jim Block

Disaster Capitalism

Due to serial tuition hikes by the UC Regents, their gutting of many classes and educational programs, and the imposition of a 15 percent reduction of in-state admissions to the university, the gateway to higher learning in California has seriously narrowed. As a UC regent, Blum voted in favor of all of these measures—and such actions have indirectly benefited his corporate colleges. But his schools are not the only ones profiting from the financial disaster that besets many public universities.

On March 13, 2010, The New York Times investigated the situation, reporting that many chain schools, including ITT Educational Services and Career Education Corporation, "have exploited the recession as a lucrative recruiting device while tapping a larger pool of federal aid ... selling young people on dreams of middle-class wages while setting them up for default on untenable debts, low-wage work and a struggle to avoid poverty."

The Times noted that for-profit schools are directly benefiting from cuts in education, especially in California where state-funded universities and community colleges have been "forced to cut classes just when demand is greatest."

Indeed, ITT Educational Services recently reported to its shareholders that due in large part to "higher unemployment rates among unskilled workers," company revenue increased by $300 million, to $1.3 billion. Responding to a recession-induced increase in demand for vocational training, ITT increased its tuition by 5 percent; 70 percent of ITT's revenue comes from federal tuition aid programs. And ITT's profits rocketed in tandem with new enrollments even as UC and other public universities were turning away students for lack of programs.

Nationwide, vocational school students are paying billions of dollars in tuition to stockholder-owned education corporations, primarily using federal grants and loans guaranteed by taxpayers. In the United States, the dominant vocational education corporations are the University of Phoenix, Corinthian Colleges, Strayer University, Kaplan (owned by the Washington Post Company), Career Education Corporation and ITT Educational Services. Collectively, these companies operate hundreds of schools and teach hundreds of thousands of students, most of them eligible for public and private financial aid. The chains offer training for such technical professions as radiological technician, beautician, automotive mechanic, medical billing clerk, web designer and massage therapist. But they also offer degrees in engineering, computer science and business. Increasingly, they are promoting online education, which limits their operational costs, even though virtual courses are often not suitable for teaching nursing, cooking or car repair. As a result of delivering substandard education, some for-profit schools suffer from accreditation problems, according to recent news reports.

On a fairly regular basis, government regulators—including the U.S. Department of Justice—have accused chain schools of preying upon low-income individuals and active military service members. Typically, state and federal agencies report, chain school recruiters load students down with high-interest rate loan packages that, on average, amount to $30,000. As a result, fewer than 70 percent of enrollees graduate. Such a high dropout rate requires the corporations to continuously wage television, radio, Internet and print media marketing campaigns aimed at enticing students who want to better themselves—and who are, not incidentally, eligible for state-guaranteed loans.

Unfortunately, those who do graduate with two-year associates degrees often find out that the curriculum did not prepare them for the technical requirements of the jobs they seek. And often, government reports note, when they do find work, their wages do not match the inflated salaries promised by school recruiters. When dropouts and underpaid graduates default on their student loans, the taxpayers remain on the hook.

FIGHTING BACK: UC–Santa Cruz students protested fee hikes in March. Photograph by Curtis Cartier

Profits of Doom

Blum's investment bank entered the for-profit education business in 1987, when he purchased a large block of shares in National Education Corporation, an Irvine-based vocational school that specialized in awarding mail-order diplomas. He joined the company's board of directors, sitting alongside former U.S. Sen. Barry Goldwater and David C. Jones, a former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Two years later, according to a report in the Los Angeles Times, Blum got in hot water when angry shareholders filed a lawsuit contending that "the company issued rosy financial statements while Blum and other directors were selling their shares." The shareholders claimed in court documents that Blum sold $2.7 million worth of shares at about $24 per share after he learned, a day before the public announcement, that the company president planned to resign. When the share price bottomed out at $3.50 a share after the announcement, Blum reinvested in the troubled company.

A new president was hired in 1994 to reform the school and bring it into the age of computerized learning. By 1995, Blum had gained control of 11.5 percent of National Education Corporation stock after combining his firm's holdings with that of a nonprofit investment fund, Commonfund, for which Blum worked as an investment advisor. (Commonfund manages investments for more than 1,400 universities, including UC.) In 1997, Harcourt, the textbook publisher, bought National Education Corporation for about $750 million, or $21 a share. Blum and his private partners profited handsomely.

After he became a regent in 2002, Blum greatly increased his investment in for-profit education. In June 2005, Blum Capital Partners bought 5 percent of the stock, worth $24 million, in Lincoln Education Services Corp., a $300 million operation with 32 campuses. Blum also acquired large blocks of shares in ITT Educational Services and Career Education Corporation. These two purchases followed dips in the companies' stock prices brought about by allegations of corrupt practices made against them by government agencies.

In the case of ITT Educational Services, federal and state regulators investigated the company in 2004 after shareholders and students alleged that it falsified student attendance, grades and job placement records in order to keep federal financial aid flowing. When the news broke, the price of ITT shares halved.

Blum Capital Partners pounced, purchasing reams of devalued ITT stock. It soon owned the largest block of stock in the company, achieving a 10 percent ownership stake in 2006. Not long afterward, the investigations were closed, with no findings of wrongdoing. By May 2010, ITT's revenue exceeded $1.3 billion, and Blum Capital Partners' stake was valued at $415 million.

Similarly, Blum Capital Partners bought shares of Career Education Corporation, a $1.8 billion operation that serves 90,000 students, following a corruption controversy. In 2004, Career Education Corporation was investigated by multiple federal agencies after whistleblower lawsuits alleged that the school had allowed failing students to remain enrolled in order to keep its pipeline to federal grants and loans tapped. In 2005, after 60 Minutes televised an unfavorable story about the chain school, the value of its stock dropped by more than half. Blum Capital Partners bought in for $33 million. By May 2010, its stake had grown to $508 million, making Blum's firm by far the largest and most powerful shareholder of the chain school. A partner with Blum Capital Partners, Greg L. Jackson, sits on the board of Career Education Corporation.

UC is an investor in both educational corporations. Even as Blum was buying stock in Career Education and ITT Educational Services, UC financial records show that the university's investment managers were actively buying and selling these same stocks—to the tune of $53 million. The university was not just holding onto these stocks to accrue value over time (as a prudent manager would do), it was day trading them in large amounts, as much as $2 million a trade, thereby affecting the daily price of these stocks. Did the fact that these two companies were largely owned by a regent—a Wall Street speculator who sat on the university's investment committee—not pose at least the appearance of a conflict?

Not to UC officials. When UC Treasurer Marie Berggren was questioned about the propriety of UC investing in Blum's for-profit college chains, her spokesman, Steve Montiel, replied by email, "The Treasurer's Office doesn't track Regents' holdings in making decisions about security selections, though Regents' holdings are disclosed as a matter of policy."

In other words, the treasurer does not review the Regents' financial disclosure statements, which are public records, for potential conflicts. Of course, UC's investments are also public records available to the Regents, so a regent could easily avoid conflicts, should he or she choose to do so, by not taking controlling positions in companies in which the university invests.

Blum did not respond to repeated requests for comment. But UC spokeswoman Lynn Tierney called on his behalf, saying that the university recruits its students from the intellectual elite of applicants. Only those with very high grade averages and SAT scores get in, she said. Therefore, "UC is not losing students to Blum's vocational schools, and there is no conflict of interest," she said.

The bottom line is that UC is investing tens of millions of public dollars in two for-profit school chains largely controlled by a regent and Wall Street arbitrager who sits on UC's investment committee. Shown the documentation used to support this story Noah Stern, president of Associated Students at the University of California, says, "Student trust in the Regents was already shaky. In light of this revelation of investment abuse, we need a structural overhaul of the university governance system."

This story is part of a ongoing series of investigative stories sponsored by Spot.us and six Bay Area newsweeklies: 'UC Regents: An Elite Club That Runs a Vast University.'

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US “Fifty Wealthiest Lawmakers” list: A Congress of the rich, by the rich, and for the rich

By Eric London
27 August 2012

Last week’s report by Washington, D.C. political blog The Hill details the vast wealth of the nation’s legislative representatives and serves as an indictment of the anti-democratic nature of the American political system. The “50 Wealthiest Lawmakers” list shows that dozens of congressional politicians have amassed huge fortunes while simultaneously slashing the wages, benefits and social services of the American people.

In other words, not only are these members of Congress overseeing a massive transfer of wealth from the working class to the ruling class; they are also profiting from this transfer.

The report reveals the bipartisan composition of the extremely wealthy in congress. Seven of the top 10 richest members of congress are Democrats; overall, Republicans make up 60 percent of the list.

According to The Hill, 17 members of Congress have amassed fortunes of over $20 million, and a total of 35 members of Congress have a net worth valued at over $10 million.

These numbers are slightly skewed compared with past surveys. Due to the passage of the STOCK Act, members of Congress now are legally required to report mortgages as liabilities. The STOCK Act was passed after revelations were made regarding banks giving members of Congress and their staffs “friendly” deals on their personal mortgages in return for favorable legislation.

The list also sheds light on the nature of wealth accumulation amongst the super-rich in America. Among the elite today, wealth accumulation has less to do with productive work than it does with parasitism, inheritance, and family ties.

Rep. Michael McCaul (Republican of Texas) tops the list with a total fortune of $290.5 million. McCaul’s wealth comes in part from his marriage to the daughter of Lowry Mays, the founder of radio giant Clear Channel Communications. Belying the claim that these fortunes come from productive hard work, McCaul’s 2011 financial report explained that “certain assets owned by spouse were acquired via gift from spouse’s parents.”

Democratic Party leadership is featured prominently at the top of the list.

Sen. John Kerry (Democrat of Massachusetts), the party’s nominee for president in 2004, is second, with a net worth of $198.8 million. Like McCaul, much of this wealth comes from family. His wife Theresa Heinz’s “numerous family trusts” have helped push Kerry’s fortune up $5 million in the last year.

Democratic Senators Jay Rockefeller (West Virginia), Richard Blumenthal (Connecticut), and Dianne Feinstein (California) are also featured in the top 10. The respective fortunes of these three senators ($83.1 million, $80.1 million, and $47.2 million) come in large part from family inheritances and trusts.

Feinstein’s net worth is partially explained by her marriage to investment banker Richard Blum, who also sits on the University of California’s Board of Regents. Blum has been a strong supporter of privatization and fee hikes. Feinstein also reported owning homes in the Lake Tahoe area, the Coachella Valley, the Hawaiian Island of Kauai, and San Francisco.

House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) ranks as the thirteenth wealthiest member of Congress, with a net worth of $26.4 million. Much of Pelosi’s fortune comes from her husband Paul Pelosi, a land developer. Pelosi’s fortune actually declined since 2010, but this can largely be explained by $6 million in mortgages on two properties in Washington, D.C. and San Francisco that are now counted as liabilities.

Republican Rep. James Sensenbrenner of Wisconsin reported a net worth of $10.2 million. Among other reported assets, “his prized stamp collection … is now worth at least $150,000.”

Maine Senator Olympia Snowe, a Republican, ranks 35th on the list. A portion of her $9 million fortune comes from investments in Education Management Corporation, a for-profit post-secondary education company. Snowe’s husband, former Maine governor John McKernan Jr., sits on the company’s board of directors.

All of the Congressional members on the list amassed their vast sums of money on the backs of the working people they purport to represent.

The web site OpenSecrets.org reports that land speculation is the industry in which members of Congress make the most money. Financial speculation, securities and investments, oil and gas production, and commercial banking are also featured in the top 10 profitable industries for members of Congress.

The report from The Hill underlines what was already clear about American politics: the vast majority of Americans are given no representation in government. Their “elected” representatives are chosen from the rich, by the rich, and for the rich.

The lives of these members of Congress compare starkly with the realities that their constituents face on a day-to-day basis. In the years following the financial crisis, the average American family has lost 40 percent of its net worth. Half of America lives either under the poverty line or one paycheck away from it. In some states, a quarter of the population struggles to afford food. Meanwhile, Congress cuts unemployment benefits, funding for health care, education, and housing. Both parties have agreed that slashing pensions and food stamps are next on the agenda.

For the richest members of Congress, these cuts will result, as they evidently have already, in an increase in net worth. For their working class constituents, the cuts pose a more urgent threat: hunger, disease, poverty, and a loss of life.


 

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