I
CONNED A NATION AND CALLED IT CHANGE. I SQUANDERED BILLIONS PROTECTING THE
BORDERS OF MUSLIM DICTATORS WHILE SABOTAGING THE BORDERS OF AMERICA TO BUILD MY
LA RAZA PARTY BASE OF ILLEGALS.
THE
ONLY TRUTH I EVER TOLD WAS THAT I WAS NOT HERE TO PUNISH BANKSTERS. THEIR
PROFITS AND CRIMES HAVE SOARED, AND MOST
JOBS GO TO ILLEGALS…. AND I’VE JUST BEGUN! Barack Obama
"There is a populist and
conservative revolt against Wall Street and financial elites, Congress and
government," Democratic pollster Stanley Greenberg warned in an analysis
this week. "Democrats and President Obama are seen as more interested in
bailing out Wall Street than helping Main Street."
*
*
“Obama's rhetoric
covered the whole financial industry, but the key changes will affect only a
few high-profile players, including JPMorgan Chase & Co., while sparing
investment banks like Goldman Sachs Group Inc.”
OBAMA’S
CON JOB ON REGULATION WILL NOT IMPACT HIS LARGEST BANKSTER DONORS! WHO’D OF
THOUGHT???
“Obama's rhetoric
covered the whole financial industry, but the key changes will affect only a
few high-profile players, including JPMorgan Chase & Co., while sparing
investment banks like Goldman Sachs Group Inc.”
*
WHAT DID THE BANKSTERS
KNOW ABOUT OUR ACTOR OBAMA THAT WE DIDN’T KNOW?
Records show that
four out of Obama's top five contributors are employees of financial industry
giants - Goldman Sachs ($571,330), UBS AG ($364,806), JPMorgan Chase ($362,207)
and Citigroup ($358,054).
OBAMA’S LEGACY WILL
ONLY BE ON OF STAGGERING CORRUPTION AND FOR BEING THE CONSUMMATE RED-CARPET
ADDICTED PERFORMER FOR WALL STREET INTERESTS.
The
president's actions and tactics haven't matched his lofty language, breeding a
cynicism that has doomed his cause.
Jonah
Goldberg
December
22, 2009
On
his own terms, President Obama is a failure.
During the presidential campaign, he fought hammer and tongs with Hillary Rodham Clinton on the best way to govern. Clinton, casting herself as a battle-scarred political veteran, argued that diligence, dedicated detail work and working the system were essential for success.
Obama, donning the mantle of a redeemer descending from divine heights, argued that his soaring rhetoric was more than "just words" but a way out of the poisonous, partisan gridlock of yesteryear. Early on in New Hampshire, he proclaimed that his "rival in this race is not other candidates. It's cynicism."
Occasionally the Obama-Clinton argument was explicit -- such as when they sparred over who was more important to the Civil Rights Act, Martin Luther King Jr. or Lyndon Johnson -- but it was always there, implicit in everything from their body language and stagecraft to position papers and platforms.
The great irony of it all is that it seems they were both wrong.
Obama's rhetoric in fact looks to be the best way to achieve a Clintonian agenda. But a Clintonian agenda is the worst possible way to live up to Obama's rhetoric.
From his 2004 keynote speech onward, Obama rejected the partisan divide. He earned points by insisting that invidious descriptions of political opponents were deleterious to civic health and distracted us from the fact that "we are one people, all of us pledging allegiance to the stars and stripes, all of us defending the United States of America."
In a June primary victory speech, Obama said he was "absolutely certain that generations from now, we will be able to look back and tell our children . . . this was the moment -- this was the time -- when we came together to remake this great nation."
So, does anyone feel like Americans are coming together?
Obama the outsider hasn't changed the way Washington works; he's worked Washington in a way that only an outsider with no respect for the place would dare.
Consider his signature domestic priority: healthcare reform. After a year of working on it, his progressive base is either profoundly disappointed with him or seethingly angry. His Republican and conservative opponents are not only furious, they are emboldened. And independents -- who've been deserting the Democrats in polls and off-year elections -- are simply disgusted with the whole spectacle. Most important, an administration that once preened over its people-power roots, can't even claim that Americans like what he's doing.
The bill does have its supporters: inside-the-Beltway pundits and Capitol Hill deal-makers, the pharmaceutical industry and the supposedly rapacious insurance companies (don't take my word for it, just ask Howard Dean -- or your stockbroker).
Under the Clintonian paradigm of governance, Nebraska Democrat Ben Nelson's parlaying of his pro-life objections to the Senate bill into a windfall for his state and Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders' leveraging of his socialist principles for billions in special deals would be dramatic twists in a conventional story of LBJ-style arm-twisting.
But Clintonian means cannot further Obamaian ends. For the last year Obama's party has made a mockery of everything Obama was supposed to represent. The tone has gotten worse as his communications staff spent the year demonizing Rush Limbaugh, Glenn Beck and Fox News. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Majority Leader Steny Hoyer called opponents of their health proposals "un-American." Just over the weekend, Rhode Island's Sheldon Whitehouse insisted that Senate opposition is being driven, in part, by "Aryan support groups."
Everywhere you look, the sizzle doesn't match the steak. He won the Nobel Peace Prize as he (rightly) sent even more men off to war. He promised the oceans would stop rising but delivered a nonbinding something-or-other in Copenhagen.
In his special healthcare address to Congress in September, he said, "I am not the first president to take up [the cause of healthcare reform], but I am determined to be the last." Those were just words, and everyone, including Obama, knew it. Indeed, the only grounds for supporting the bill, according to progressives, is that it is a "first step" or a "starter house" that they'll build on for years, even generations, to come. In other words, the healthcare debate is not only not going to end, it's going to get uglier for as far as the eye can see.
But here's the point: Obama's rhetorical audacity breeds cynicism, because utopianism always comes up short. Obama has many victories ahead of him, but his cause is already lost.
During the presidential campaign, he fought hammer and tongs with Hillary Rodham Clinton on the best way to govern. Clinton, casting herself as a battle-scarred political veteran, argued that diligence, dedicated detail work and working the system were essential for success.
Obama, donning the mantle of a redeemer descending from divine heights, argued that his soaring rhetoric was more than "just words" but a way out of the poisonous, partisan gridlock of yesteryear. Early on in New Hampshire, he proclaimed that his "rival in this race is not other candidates. It's cynicism."
Occasionally the Obama-Clinton argument was explicit -- such as when they sparred over who was more important to the Civil Rights Act, Martin Luther King Jr. or Lyndon Johnson -- but it was always there, implicit in everything from their body language and stagecraft to position papers and platforms.
The great irony of it all is that it seems they were both wrong.
Obama's rhetoric in fact looks to be the best way to achieve a Clintonian agenda. But a Clintonian agenda is the worst possible way to live up to Obama's rhetoric.
From his 2004 keynote speech onward, Obama rejected the partisan divide. He earned points by insisting that invidious descriptions of political opponents were deleterious to civic health and distracted us from the fact that "we are one people, all of us pledging allegiance to the stars and stripes, all of us defending the United States of America."
In a June primary victory speech, Obama said he was "absolutely certain that generations from now, we will be able to look back and tell our children . . . this was the moment -- this was the time -- when we came together to remake this great nation."
So, does anyone feel like Americans are coming together?
Obama the outsider hasn't changed the way Washington works; he's worked Washington in a way that only an outsider with no respect for the place would dare.
Consider his signature domestic priority: healthcare reform. After a year of working on it, his progressive base is either profoundly disappointed with him or seethingly angry. His Republican and conservative opponents are not only furious, they are emboldened. And independents -- who've been deserting the Democrats in polls and off-year elections -- are simply disgusted with the whole spectacle. Most important, an administration that once preened over its people-power roots, can't even claim that Americans like what he's doing.
The bill does have its supporters: inside-the-Beltway pundits and Capitol Hill deal-makers, the pharmaceutical industry and the supposedly rapacious insurance companies (don't take my word for it, just ask Howard Dean -- or your stockbroker).
Under the Clintonian paradigm of governance, Nebraska Democrat Ben Nelson's parlaying of his pro-life objections to the Senate bill into a windfall for his state and Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders' leveraging of his socialist principles for billions in special deals would be dramatic twists in a conventional story of LBJ-style arm-twisting.
But Clintonian means cannot further Obamaian ends. For the last year Obama's party has made a mockery of everything Obama was supposed to represent. The tone has gotten worse as his communications staff spent the year demonizing Rush Limbaugh, Glenn Beck and Fox News. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Majority Leader Steny Hoyer called opponents of their health proposals "un-American." Just over the weekend, Rhode Island's Sheldon Whitehouse insisted that Senate opposition is being driven, in part, by "Aryan support groups."
Everywhere you look, the sizzle doesn't match the steak. He won the Nobel Peace Prize as he (rightly) sent even more men off to war. He promised the oceans would stop rising but delivered a nonbinding something-or-other in Copenhagen.
In his special healthcare address to Congress in September, he said, "I am not the first president to take up [the cause of healthcare reform], but I am determined to be the last." Those were just words, and everyone, including Obama, knew it. Indeed, the only grounds for supporting the bill, according to progressives, is that it is a "first step" or a "starter house" that they'll build on for years, even generations, to come. In other words, the healthcare debate is not only not going to end, it's going to get uglier for as far as the eye can see.
But here's the point: Obama's rhetorical audacity breeds cynicism, because utopianism always comes up short. Obama has many victories ahead of him, but his cause is already lost.
*
August 9,
2009
Op-Ed Columnist
Is
Obama Punking Us?
By FRANK
RICH
“AUGUST is a challenging time to
be president,” said Andrew Card, the former Bush White House chief of staff, as
he offered unsolicited
advice to his successors in a television interview last week. “I think you have to expect the unexpected.”
He
should know. Thursday was the eighth anniversary of “Bin Laden Determined to
Strike in U.S.,” the President’s Daily Brief that his boss ignored while on
vacation in Crawford. Aug. 29 marks the fourth anniversary of Hurricane Katrina’s
strike on the Louisiana coast, which his boss also ignored while on vacation in
Crawford.
So do
have a blast in Martha’s Vineyard, President Obama.
Even as
we wait for some unexpected disaster to strike, Beltway omens for the current
White House are grim. Obama’s poll numbers are approaching free fall, we are told. If he fails on health care, he’s toast.
Indeed, many of the bloviators who spot a fatal swoon in the Obama presidency
are the same doomsayers who in August 2008 were predicting his Election Day
defeat because he couldn’t “close the deal” and clear the 50 percent mark in
matchups with John McCain.
Here
are two not very daring predictions: Obama will get some kind of health care
reform done come fall. His poll numbers will not crater any time soon.
Yet
there is real reason for longer-term worry in the form of a persistent,
anecdotal drift toward disillusionment among some of the president’s
supporters. And not merely those on the left. This concern was perhaps best
articulated by an Obama voter, a real estate agent in Virginia, featured on the front page of The Washington
Post last week. “Nothing’s changed for the
common guy,” she said. “I feel like I’ve been punked.” She cited in particular
the billions of dollars in bailouts given to banks that still “act like they’re
broke.”
But
this mood isn’t just about the banks, Public Enemy No. 1. What the Great
Recession has crystallized is a larger syndrome that Obama tapped into during
the campaign. It’s the sinking sensation that the American game is rigged —
that, as the president typically put it a month after his inauguration, the system is in hock to
“the interests of powerful lobbyists or the wealthiest few” who have “run
Washington far too long.” He promised to smite them.
No
president can do that alone, let alone in six months. To make Obama’s goal more
quixotic, the ailment that he diagnosed is far bigger than Washington and often
beyond politics’ domain. What disturbs Americans of all ideological persuasions
is the fear that almost everything, not just government, is fixed or
manipulated by some powerful hidden hand, from commercial transactions as
trivial as the sales of prime concert tickets to cultural forces as pervasive
as the news media.
As
Democrats have pointed out, the angry hecklers disrupting town-hall meetings
convened by members of Congress are not always ordinary citizens engaging in
spontaneous grass-roots protests or even G.O.P. operatives, but proxies for corporate lobbyists. One group facilitating the screamers is
FreedomWorks, which is run by the former Congressman
Dick Armey, now
a lobbyist at the DLA Piper law firm.
Medicines Company, a global pharmaceutical business, has paid DLA Piper more than $6 million in lobbying
fees in the five years Armey has worked there.
But the
Democratic members of Congress those hecklers assailed can hardly claim the
moral high ground. Their ties to health care interests are merely more discreet
and insidious. As Congressional Quarterly reported
last week, industry groups contributed
almost $1.8 million in the first six months of 2009 alone to the 18 House
members of both parties supervising health care reform, Nancy Pelosi and Steny
Hoyer among them.
Then
there are the 52 conservative Blue Dog Democrats, who have balked at the public
option for health insurance. Their cash intake from insurers and drug companies
outpaces their Democratic peers by an average of 25 percent, according to The Post. And let’s not forget the Democratic Senate Campaign
Committee, which has raked in nearly $500,000 from a
single doctor-owned hospital in McAllen,
Tex. — the very one that Obama has cited as a symbol of runaway medical costs ever
since it was profiled
in The New Yorker this spring.
In this
maze of powerful moneyed interests, it’s not clear who any American in either
party should or could root for. The bipartisan nature of the beast can be
encapsulated by the remarkable progress of Billy Tauzin, the former Louisiana
congressman. Tauzin was a founding member of the Blue Dog Democrats in 1994. A year later, he bolted
to the Republicans. Now he is chief of PhRMA, the biggest pharmaceutical trade
group. In the 2008 campaign, Obama ran a television ad pillorying Tauzin for
his role in preventing Medicare from negotiating for lower drug prices. Last
week The
Los Angeles Times reported — and The
New York Times confirmed — that Tauzin, an
active player in White House health care negotiations, had secured a
behind-closed-doors flip-flop, enlisting the administration to push for
continued protection of drug prices. Now we know why the president has ducked
his campaign pledge to broadcast such negotiations on C-Span.
The
making of legislative sausage is never pretty. The White House has to give to
get. But the cynicism being whipped up among voters is justified. Unlike
Hillary Clinton, whose chief presidential campaign strategist unapologetically
did double duty as a high-powered corporate flack, Obama promised change we
could actually believe in.
His
first questionable post-victory step was to assemble an old boys’ club of
Robert Rubin protégés and Goldman-Citi alumni as the White House economic team,
including a Treasury secretary, Timothy Geithner, who failed in his watchdog
role at the New York Fed as Wall Street’s latest bubble first inflated and then
burst. The questions about Geithner’s role in
adjudicating the subsequent bailouts aren’t going away, and neither is the angry public sense that the fix is
still in. We just learned that nine of those bailed-out banks — which in total
received $175 billion of taxpayers’ money, but as yet have repaid only $50
billion — are awarding a total of $32.6 billion in
bonuses for 2009.
It’s in
this context that Obama can’t afford a defeat on health care. A bill will pass
in a Democrat-controlled Congress. What matters is what’s in it. The final
result will be a CAT scan of those powerful Washington interests he campaigned
against, revealing which have been removed from the body politic (or at least
reduced) and which continue to metastasize. The Wall Street regulatory reform
package Obama pushes through, or doesn’t, may render even more of a verdict on
his success in changing the system he sought the White House to reform.
The
best political news for the president remains the Republicans. It’s a measure
of how out of touch G.O.P. leaders like Mitch McConnell and John Boehner are
that they keep trying to scare voters by calling Obama a socialist. They have
it backward. The
larger fear is that Obama might be just another corporatist, punking voters
much as the Republicans do when they claim to be all for the common guy. If anything, the most
unexpected — and challenging — event that could rock the White House this
August would be if the opposition actually woke up.
*
The
Mexican occupation of 38 million illegals depress wages $200 - $300 billion per
year for Americans. These same Americans are forced to pay the staggering
welfare costs of the occupation as well. Welfare paid to illegals in Mexican
occupied Los Angeles, is nearly $40 MILLION PER MONTH. In Los Angeles, 47% of
those employed are ILLEGALS.
*
Octoer
17, 2009
Op-Ed Columnist
Impatiently
Waiting
By
CHARLES M. BLOW
When, Mr. President? When will
your deeds catch up to your words? The people who worked tirelessly to get you
elected are getting tired of waiting. According to a Gallup poll released on Wednesday, Americans’ satisfaction with the way things are going in
the country has hit a six-month low, and those decreases were led, in both
percentage and percentage-point decreases, by Democrats and independents, not
by Republicans.
The
fierce urgency of now has melted into the maddening wait for whenever.
Take
health care reform. Because of the president’s quixotic quest for
bipartisanship, he refused to take a firm stand in favor of the public option.
In that wake, Democrats gutted the Baucus bill to win the graces of Olympia
Snowe — a Republican senator from a state with half
the population of
Brooklyn, a senator who is defying the
will of her own constituents. A
poll conducted earlier this month found
that 57 percent of Maine residents support the public option and only 37
percent oppose it.
She is
certainly living up to the state’s motto: Dirigo. That’s Latin for “I lead.”
And the Democrats have followed. For shame.
When
will the president take the risk of standing up for his convictions on health
care instead of sacrificing good policies for good politics? (Or maybe not even
good politics since a one-sided compromise is the same as a surrender.)
And
health care is only one example.
On the
same weekend that gay
rights protesters marched past the White
House, the president again said that his administration was “moving ahead on don’t ask don’t tell.” But when? This month? This year? This term?
As we
prepare to draw
down troops from the disaster that was the
war in Iraq, we may commit more troops to the quagmire that is the war in Afghanistan and the
government may miss its deadline for closing the blight that is the prison at
Guantánamo Bay, Cuba.
Obama
pledged to stem the tide of job losses and foreclosures and to reform the
culture of the financial sector. Well, the Dow just hit 10,000 again while the national unemployment rate is about to hit 10 percent. And the firms we propped up
are set to dole out record bonuses while home foreclosures have hit record highs. Main Street is still drowning in crisis while Wall Street
is awash in Champagne. When will this imbalance be corrected?
Candidate
Obama pledged to make the rebuilding of New Orleans a priority, but President Obama whisked into the city on
Thursday for a visit so brief that one
Louisiana congressman dubbed it a “drive-through
daiquiri summit.” The president spent more time on the failed Olympic bid in
Copenhagen than he did in the Crescent City.
At the town hall in New Orleans, Obama appealed for patience. He said, “Change is hard,
and big change is harder.” Is that the excuse? Now where have I heard that
before? Oh, yeah. From
George Bush.
*
GET THIS
BOOK!
*
Obamanomics:
How Barack Obama Is Bankrupting You and Enriching His Wall Street Friends,
Corporate Lobbyists, and Union Bosses
BY TIMOTHY P
CARNEY
Editorial Reviews
Obama Is Making
You Poorer—But Who’s Getting Rich?
Goldman Sachs, GE, Pfizer, the United Auto Workers—the same
“special interests” Barack Obama was supposed to chase from the temple—are
profiting handsomely from Obama’s Big Government policies that crush taxpayers,
small businesses, and consumers. In Obamanomics, investigative reporter
Timothy P. Carney digs up the dirt the mainstream media ignores and the White
House wishes you wouldn’t see. Rather than Hope and Change, Obama is delivering
corporate socialism to America, all while claiming he’s battling corporate
America. It’s corporate welfare and regulatory robbery—it’s Obamanomics.
*
Obama Is Making You Poorer—But Who’s Getting Rich?
Goldman
Sachs, GE, Pfizer, the United Auto Workers—the same “special interests” Barack Obama
was supposed to chase from the temple—are profiting handsomely from Obama’s Big
Government policies that crush taxpayers, small businesses, and consumers.
Investigative
reporter Timothy P. Carney digs up the dirt the mainstream media ignores and
the White House wishes you wouldn’t see. Rather than Hope and Change, Obama is
delivering corporate socialism to America, all while claiming he’s battling
corporate America. It’s corporate welfare and regulatory robbery—it’s
Obamanomics. In this explosive book, Carney reveals:
* The
Great Health Care Scam—Obama’s backroom deals with drug companies spell
corporate profits and more government control
* The Global Warming Hoax—Obama has bought off industries with a pork-filled bill that will drain your wallet for Al Gore’s agenda
* Obama and Wall Street—“Change” means more bailouts and a heavy Goldman Sachs presence in the West Wing (including Rahm Emanuel)
* Stimulating K Street—The largest spending bill in history gave pork to the well-connected and created a feeding frenzy for lobbyists
* How the GOP needs to change its tune—drastically—to battle Obamanomics
* The Global Warming Hoax—Obama has bought off industries with a pork-filled bill that will drain your wallet for Al Gore’s agenda
* Obama and Wall Street—“Change” means more bailouts and a heavy Goldman Sachs presence in the West Wing (including Rahm Emanuel)
* Stimulating K Street—The largest spending bill in history gave pork to the well-connected and created a feeding frenzy for lobbyists
* How the GOP needs to change its tune—drastically—to battle Obamanomics
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