COP MURDERS IN AMERICA - THOUSANDS SHOT IN
THE HEAD. JUDGES GIVE THE THUG COPS A PASS TO
DO IT AGAIN!
THUG RAPIST COPS SELDOM PROSECUTED….
CORRUPT JUDGES WANT TO MAINTAIN THE STATUS-QUO OF JUDGES, THUG COPS AND LAWYERS ARE ALL ABOVE THE LAW!
According to Killedbypolice.net, at least 808 people have been killed by
police so far this year, outpacing last year’s deaths by 20
victims.... and they ALL GET AWAY WITH IT!
"Police in the
United States are trained to see the working class and poor as a hostile
enemy. Anything less
than complete submissiveness is grounds for officers to unleash
deadly force on
their victims. In some instances, even the most casual encounters with
police
have proven to be deadly."
COP MURDERS IN
AMERICA -
THOUSANDS SHOT IN THE HEAD.
JUDGES GIVE THE THUG COPS A PASS TO
DO IT AGAIN!
By Harvey Simpkins
6 February 2018
Eight of nine members of an elite Baltimore Police Department task
force have been charged with crimes including robbery, extortion and
fabricating evidence in a case which has exposed the sorts of brazen corruption
and illegal practices which pervade police departments throughout the US.
Six of the eight pleaded guilty to racketeering and other charges
last month. Two officers, Daniel Hersl and Marcus Taylor, are currently on
trial in federal court facing robbery, extortion, and overtime fraud charges.
The charged officers were members of the now-defunct Gun Trace
Task Force (GTTF), which was ostensibly set up in 2007 to focus on cracking
down on illegal gun possession in order to reduce the number of guns in the
city. Instead, the members of the group systematically violated the
Constitutional rights of Baltimore’s residents and used their authority to
steal drugs and cash to the tune of hundreds of thousands of dollars.
The leader of the task force, Wayne Jenkins, admitted in his plea
agreement to numerous constitutional rights violations, including the regular
use of GPS devices to track people he suspected of having cash, and entering
their premises without a warrant in order to steal from them.
Jenkins also admitted to being involved in a scheme to plant drugs
on an innocent man, stealing hundreds of thousands of dollars from Baltimore
residents and providing cocaine and marijuana to an unidentified associate to
resell on the streets. Jenkins split the profits of the drug sales, netting
himself $200,000 to $250,000. Additionally, Jenkins admitted to stealing dirt
bikes and reselling prescription drugs taken during the 2015 protests following
the police murder of Freddie Gray.
On February 1, Donald Stepp, a Baltimore County bail bondsman,
testified at the ongoing trial of Hersl and Taylor that in April 2015, during
the protests, Jenkins walked into his garage carrying two garbage bags full of
stolen pharmaceutical drugs. Stepp also testified that Jenkins made
near-nightly trips to his home to drop off illegal drugs.
Jenkins also confessed to writing a false report about heroin
planted in a car in 2010 following a high-speed police chase that killed an
elderly bystander. The two men in the car spent years in prison because of the
planted drugs before the task force’s corruption emerged.
On January 23, Maurice Ward, one of the officers who pleaded
guilty, testified on the first day of the trial that the officers in the task
force would, on a nightly basis, prowl Baltimore’s streets trying to stir up
trouble.
Ward testified that Jenkins would deliberately drive at fast
speeds towards groups of people and then slam on the brakes. The task force
members would then identify anyone who ran, and, without probable cause, give
chase and then detain and search them. The officers had no legal basis to
target people but were looking to provoke individuals who might have drugs or a
gun into running. Ward estimated that the task force did this 10 to 20 times on
slow nights and more than 50 times on busier nights.
Ward explained that the task force would also profile certain
types of vehicles for traffic stops and pull them over on the basis of various
pretexts, such as claiming that drivers weren’t wearing seat belts or that
windows were over-tinted. Ward said Jenkins would also ask suspected drug
dealers to identify the biggest dealers in town and the task force members
would use the information to target who to steal drugs and money from.
Furthermore, Ward testified that the task force members kept BB
guns in their vehicles “in case we accidentally hit somebody or got into a
shootout, so we could plant them.” He also testified that Jenkins instructed
the officers to carry replica guns to plant if they found themselves in a jam.
When Taylor was arrested last year, a replica gun was found in his
glove box which was nearly indistinguishable from his service pistol.
In one of the more notorious incidents, GTTF members took a man’s
house keys, ran his name through databases to determine his address, and
entered his home without a warrant. Once inside they cracked open a safe,
finding about $200,000. The officers took $100,000, closed the safe, and then,
in an effort to cover up their crime, filmed themselves pretending to open the
safe for the first time. In the video, which was played at the trial, Jenkins
is heard saying “Nobody touch anything.”
After arresting the man, Jenkins listened to his calls from jail.
The victim was heard discussing the police taking his money and stating that he
wanted to hire a good lawyer to go after them. Jenkins determined that the
man’s wife was arranging his legal matters and decided to target her. He wrote
a fraudulent note, purporting to be from another woman, saying that the man had
gotten her pregnant, and left it in the man’s door for the wife to find.
In yet another incident, GTTF officers robbed a small-time drug
dealer, Sergio Summerville, at the storage unit where he lived. One of the
officers falsely told Summerville they were with the Drug Enforcement
Administration and another falsely claimed they had a warrant to search his
unit. The officers ended up taking thousands of dollars from Summerville and
left without charging him with any crime. “They came at me like a gang,” he
testified in court.
An employee of the storage facility testified that officers
demanded access to the security camera system. When he correctly informed them
that they needed a warrant, “They told me I was impeding a police
investigation.” One of the officers also threatened the employee, saying he
“looked like someone who needed to be robbed.” Another officer who has pleaded
guilty, Evodio Hendrix, testified that “We would create false reports to cover
up the robberies we were involved in.”
At trial, prosecutors introduced two bags of items that Jenkins
accumulated for the GTTF to use in carrying out various robberies, including
balaclava ski masks, black clothing and shoes, and tools such as a crow bar,
battering ram, and a rope with a grappling hook.
In total, the task force is suspected of stealing at least
$300,000 in cash, three kilograms of cocaine, 43 pounds of marijuana, 800 grams
of heroin, and jewelry worth hundreds of thousands of dollars.
In addition to the widespread theft, members of the task force
regularly filed for overtime pay that was unearned. One officer took a month
off to remodel his home and was still paid. Another claimed overtime while on
vacation in Myrtle Beach, South Carolina.
In an indication that the corruption is far more widespread than
the eight indicted officers, Ward testified that a lieutenant named Ian
Dombroski would authorize eight hours of overtime pay that officers did not
have to work, as a reward when officers recovered guns. Dombroski remains the
head of the BPD’s Internal Affairs Section, overseeing investigations into
allegations of wrongdoing by police officers.
Furthermore, Jenkins’ plea agreement states that “The practice at
the GTTF [Gun Trace Task Force] was that if a sub-set of the GTTF had a gun
arrest, all members of the GTTF, regardless of whether they had actually participated
in the arrest, would submit individual overtime reports, as if they did.”
Already, prosecutors have been forced to drop hundreds of cases
which relied on the word of the eight indicted officers. Baltimore’s public
defender office notes that thousands of other cases have also been compromised.
It is likely that hundreds or thousands of innocent people were convicted based
on the actions, statements, and/or testimony of the task force members.
Far from a unique event, these indictments are only the latest
revelation of unconstitutional and abusive police practices in Baltimore.
Following the Freddie Gray protests the Department of Justice (DOJ) undertook a
review which found widespread violations of constitutional rights.
After examining police stops, arrests and court documents from
2010-2016, the DOJ found that Baltimore police officers routinely engaged in
unjustified stops and searches, arrests without cause, racial profiling, use of
excessive force, sexual discrimination, and retaliation against actions
protected by the First Amendment, including detaining and arresting people
simply because they used speech perceived to be critical or disrespectful
towards the police.
Furthermore, since November 2016, there have been three separate
documented incidents involving the fraudulent use of body cameras by Baltimore
police officers. In the first incident, police are shown searching the driver’s
area of a vehicle and not finding anything suspicious. The officers then turned
off their body cameras. When they later turned the cameras back on, an officer
almost immediately pulled a bag of alleged drugs out of the driver’s area of
the car.
In an incident recorded in January 2017, a police officer is seen placing
a bag of alleged drugs among debris in a backyard lot, walking out to the
street, activating his body camera and then returning to the alley and
recovering the same bag as two other officers look on.
A third incident recorded in June and reported to prosecutors in
August involved a Baltimore police officer who allegedly “self-reported”
footage from his body-camera as a “re-enactment of the seizure of evidence.” As
a result of these incidents, dozens of cases involving the officers who have
manipulated their body cameras have either been dropped or are under review.
The series of incidents in the past few years in Baltimore exposes
in microcosm the contempt that the police have for the constitutional rights of
the working class throughout the country. While organizations such as Black
Lives Matter and others tied to the Democratic Party seek various reforms to
unconstitutional police actions, such as body cameras, oversight boards, and
the hiring of more minority police officers, the events in Baltimore show the
hollowness of such efforts.
Not only does Baltimore have one of the most racially-integrated
police forces in the US, with over half the police force non-white, but five of
the eight officers charged from the GTTF are black. Furthermore, as the three
recent incidents involving body cameras show, this “solution” in no way solves
the root problem of unconstitutional and violent actions by police.
Fundamentally, the police are an instrument of class repression operating,
regardless of their race, in the interests of the wealthy.
2018 begins with US police
reign of terror
29 January 2018
While largely ignored by the mass media, the reign of terror by
police officers continues to rage across the United States. The entire state
apparatus, from local cops to immigration agents, has been unleashed by the
Trump administration to beat, maim and kill with impunity.
During a speech to hundreds of uniformed officers last July, Trump
urged the police to not be “too nice” and to treat detainees “rough.” The
Justice Department has at the same time ended the toothless pretense of federal
oversight over a handful of police departments put in place by the Obama
administration.
In the year since Trump was sworn in as president, at least 1,223
people have been killed by police. Since the beginning of 2018, according to
killedbypolice.net, 3.5 people have been killed on average every day.
A Washington Post database
reports 78 fatal police shootings so far this year. As in previous years, the
figures show that police killings impact every race and ethnicity, with whites
comprising the largest share of victims, while African Americans are killed at
a rate higher than their overall percentage of the population. In those cases
where race or ethnicity has been identified by the Post,
54 percent of victims were white, 25 percent African American, 15 percent
Hispanic, 3 percent Asian and 2 percent Native American.
Among the most recent victims is Donte Shannon, a 26-year-old
African American man who was killed by police in Racine, Wisconsin on January
17 after fleeing a traffic stop. According to the police account, Shannon’s
initial crime was not having a front license plate on his vehicle. Officials
claim the police were forced to unleash a hail of bullets after Shannon pointed
a gun at them, though investigators have not reported finding a weapon at the
scene.
On the same day, a deputy in Columbus, Ohio shot and killed
16-year-old Joseph Haynes, a white youth, during an altercation after a court
hearing. Haynes, who was unarmed, was thrown to the ground and shot once in the
abdomen after he confronted a deputy for pushing his mother up against a wall.
In addition to those killed, workers and youth are subjected to
police harassment and brutality on a daily basis.
Earlier this month, Louisiana teacher Deyshia Hargrave was removed
from a school board meeting and handcuffed by a deputy marshal after she raised
questions about school officials awarding themselves raises while denying them
to teachers and staff. Former coal miner Gary Michael Hunt was choked by a police
officer and removed from a public meeting after demanding clean water for the
residents of Martin County, Kentucky.
Not even children are spared, as shown by a report Sunday that a
7-year-old child in Miami, Florida was led away from his school in handcuffs
after an altercation with a teacher last week.
The issue of police killings and brutality erupted into national
and international prominence with the murder of Michael Brown in August 2014
and the militarized police response to protests. Popular anger over police
violence has not gone away. However, over the past three and a half years there
has been a systematic effort to smother opposition and channel it behind the
Democratic Party.
A critical role has been played by Black Lives Matter (BLM), which
was developed and promoted to push the false claim that police violence is a
racial rather than a class issue. Along with the various other organizations
that promote and support the Democratic Party, BLM sought to cover up the
relationship between police violence and the nature of the capitalist state as
an instrument of class repression. BLM pushed for various reforms, including
body cameras, oversight boards and more minority police officers, as the
supposed solution to police violence.
In 2016, the main leaders of BLM threw their support behind
Hillary Clinton, the favored candidate of Wall Street and the
military-intelligence apparatus. During the election season, the Ford
Foundation announced that it would funnel $100 million to a panoply of organizations
associated with the BLM movement. This was followed by the announcement of an
initiative by BLM to promote “black capitalism,” including the introduction of
a Black Lives Matter debit card.
The Democratic Party is fully complicit in the epidemic of police
violence. The Obama administration presided over the continued militarization
of police forces while ensuring that nothing was done to prosecute officers who
perpetrated violence.
Since the election of Trump, the Democrats have entirely ignored
the ongoing wave of police killings. They have worked to suppress and divert
all manifestations of social opposition to the Trump administration behind a
reactionary and militarist agenda of aggression against Russia, a further
redistribution of wealth to the rich, and the destruction of democratic rights.
A significant factor in the efforts to censor the Internet,
spearheaded by the Democratic Party, is concern that police killings and abuse
videotaped on smartphones have become national and international issues through
distribution on social media platforms. Facebook is now changing its newsfeed
to limit the reach of content from news sources outside the so-called
“mainstream,” with the aim of preventing the expression and propagation of
opposition to police violence and social inequality.
Opposition to police violence within the United States cannot be
separated from opposition to war, social inequality and the capitalist system.
With wealth concentration rising to levels without historic precedent, the
ruling elite relies on the police to enforce inequality.
And as the Pentagon prepares to wage war abroad on an
unprecedented scale, the ruling class is preparing for war at home. The concept
of “Total Army” has been coined to embrace the innumerable and growing connections
between the police, border patrol, immigration agents and the military—a single
apparatus of war and repression.
The ruling class is well aware that it faces its greatest danger
within the United States, in the form of the growth of working-class struggle
and the development of a mass movement against capitalism. It is only through
the building of such a political movement that the reign of police violence can
be ended.
Niles Niemuth
COP MURDERS IN
AMERICA -
THOUSANDS SHOT IN THE HEAD.
JUDGES
GIVE THE THUG COPS A PASS TO
DO IT AGAIN!
Police kill over a
thousand for fourth year in a row
By George Gallanis
27 December 2017
For the fourth year
in a row, police killed over a thousand people in the United States in one
year. The four-year bloodbath is a stern warning to the working class in
America and across the world. Social inequality is reaching unprecedented
levels. Three billionaires own as much wealth as the bottom half of the
population of the United States. The killings of thousands by police in the
span of few years is an indication of the ruling elite’s fear and hatred of the
vast working class majority.
As of this writing,
killedbypolice.net reports police killed 1,164 people in 2017. With a few days
left in the year, the death count will likely increase, marking 2017 as second
deadliest year since 2013, when the web site began tabulating the figures. Last
year’s count stands at 1,165.
Other police killing aggregators show similar totals. Mapping
Police Violence places the count at 1,049. The Washington Post, which only tracks police
shootings as opposed to other forms of police killings, by means of tasering,
beatings and the like, places the count at 952 as of December 25.
Murder by police is
effectively legal. Police officers can kill anyone, as long as they claim some
kind of perceived threat, whether real or not. Hundreds, many of whom are
unarmed, are murdered by officers who will never face a trial. According to
Mapping Police Violence, in 2015, under the Obama presidency, 99 percent of all
police killings did not result in any police officer being convicted of a crime
by the so-called justice system. The capitalist state shoots and kills with one
hand and washes the blood off with the other.
In November,
released video footage showed an unarmed Daniel Shaver murdered by an Arizona
police officer after begging for his life on his knees. The officer was
acquitted of all charges after claiming he feared for his life. In September,
St. Louis police officer Jason Stockley was acquitted of murder for the 2011 killing
of Anthony Lamar Smith. After shooting Smith six times from close range,
Stockley planted a gun on Smith’s dead body. Stockley’s fingerprints were later
found on the gun.
Following the
verdict, protests erupted in St. Louis. St. Louis police responded, dressed in
riot gear, illegally “kettling” protesters and arresting many all the while
shouting, “Whose streets? Our streets!”
The protests were
largely organized by Black Lives Matters (BLM) and pseudo-left groups such as
the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and Socialist Alternative, who
sought to portray the killing by Stockley as an act solely due to racism.
Slogans such as “white silence is violence” were heard during the protests.
Three years earlier, in the aftermath of the killing of Michael
Brown by Ferguson, Missouri police officer Darren Wilson, pseudo-left groups
put forth the same narrative: the fundamental cause of police violence is
racism. Often cited to bolster this argument is the fact that blacks are killed
in disproportionately higher numbers compared to whites. According to the Washington Post,
African-Americans comprised a quarter of all police killings in 2017. This
clearly suggests that racism is an element in police killings, but these
statistics only reveal part of the picture. The victims of police killings
include all races and ethnicities. As any good doctor will point out, one must
not confuse a symptom for the disease, and the disease is class oppression,
claiming the poorest and most vulnerable sections of the working class.
The police, along
with the state machine as a whole, exist as an instrument in the irreconcilable
conflict between the ruling class and the working class. The police are not
neutral actors who can be pressured to act in a certain way. They serve the
interests of the capitalist class, and carry out its orders. The thousands that
lay dead at the hands of the police, regardless of skin color and gender, come
almost entirely from the ranks of the working class. Police roam working class
and poor neighborhoods hunting perpetrators of petty crimes. If you are stopped
by the police, you are de facto guilty. If you fidget or do not follow a
command directly, you may very well be shot and die. Whatever part racism plays
in these murders, it is ultimately secondary to that of class.
American society is
divided by massive inequality, intensified by decades of social
counterrevolution. Social tension is palpable, with most working people
increasingly angry and moving to the left. There is deep concern within the
ruling class that social explosions of revolutionary dimensions are on the
horizon. Preparing for such events, police more and more act as an occupying
force, carrying the same weapons used overseas in occupied countries by the
United States. In 1989, Congress passed the National Defense Authorization Act.
It has made possible the transfer of $5.4 billion worth of military gear to
police departments across the United States. A report published by the US
Department of Justice in 2015 states that local police departments swelled to 477,000
full-time personnel in 2013, a 35 percent increase since 1987. This
three-decade period coincides with a drastic decline in crime, while the forces
of “law and order” have been swelled and armed to the teeth.
History
demonstrates the real role of the police. In 1937, for example, Chicago police
shot and killed 10 striking workers during the Little Steel Strike. During the
Detroit Rebellion of 1967, police were given order to ‘shoot to kill,’ claiming
16 victims. In some of the other social explosions of the mid- and late 1960s,
the death toll at the hands of the police was even greater.
Under the Trump
presidency, the police will operate more openly and ruthlessly. Police violence
will grow, accompanied by increased attacks on democratic rights. Social and
political opposition will be met with brutal violence, directed not only
against individuals but also mass struggles.
The efforts of the
proponents of identity politics to place the blame of police violence on racism
effectively denies the role of the state and its class character. This serves
to create divisions within the working class along ethnic and racial lines. It
leads to the counterproductive and reactionary conclusion that the police can
be reformed by increasing the number of minority officers, or through such
techniques as community policing, racial-sensitivity training and similar
nostrums.
Court quashes subpoena of
reporter who uncovered Chicago police murder coverup
By George
Marlowe
27 December 2017
On December 13, a Cook County judge quashed an anti-press subpoena
against independent journalist Jamie Kalven that would have forced him to
disclose his confidential sources in court. Kalven was the first to bring to
light the coverup of the police murder of 17-year-old Laquan McDonald in 2014
by Chicago police officer Jason Van Dyke, who faces charges of first-degree
murder.
Were it not for Kalven, who works with the independent news
organization Invisible Institute, there would have been no exposure of the
police murder of McDonald and the subsequent coverup by the Chicago Police
Department (CPD), the Democratic mayor Rahm Emanuel and the entire political
establishment.
Kalven wrote an explosive article
in Slate in 2015 entitled “Sixteen Shots” that shattered the official fake news
and coverup—promoted by the CPD, the Emanuel administration and the media. In
the article, Kalven revealed that McDonald had been shot sixteen times across
his entire body, according to the autopsy report he had obtained through a
Freedom of Information Act request.
He also cited an unnamed witness who contradicted the entire
official police narrative, which claimed that the teenager was lunging at a
police officer with a knife while under the influence drugs. The witness stated
instead that McDonald was “shying away” from the police officer when he was
shot multiple times. Finally, Kalven revealed that there was a police
dashboard-camera video documenting the entire incident, which he learned from
an unnamed source.
The subpoena—issued by Van Dyke’s lawyers in an attempt to delay
his trial—threatened to undermine basic democratic rights afforded to reporters
under the First Amendment of the US Constitution. Such rights include a
reporter’s constitutional privilege to be protected from being compelled to
testify about confidential information or sources, critical to reporting freely
on matters of public interest. At the same time, attacks on the press have
steadily increased over the last few decades by multiple administrations,
Democratic and Republican.
Van Dyke’s lead attorney, Daniel Herbert, himself a former police
officer, issued the subpoena against Kalven claiming that his reporting
influenced witnesses—thereby tainting the investigation. Kalven’s lawyers
countered that the witnesses in question had already spoken to law enforcement
prior to Kalven’s discussions with them. In reality, the spurious subpoena
issued by Herbert is part of a counter-offensive to intimidate and threaten
reporters who uncover crimes committed by police officers or other agents of
the state.
In demanding the subpoena, Herbert also accused Kalven of being an
activist, rather than a neutral reporter of the facts. He argued therefore that
Kalven could not make use of his reporter’s privilege to maintain the
confidentiality of his sources. While Kalven certainly has taken a point of
view in his reporting on police brutality for many years, and has been a
partisan for the voices of the poor in Chicago’s south side, he is also a
conscientious and objective reporter.
Kalven’s lawyer highlighted the spuriousness of the assault on his
rights. Compelling Kalven to testify about his sources, they noted, violated
the Illinois Reporter’s Privilege Act—which forbids courts from forcing
reporters to disclose the source of information they have obtained
(confidential or not), except where no other law can prevent its disclosure,
and all other sources of information have been exhausted.
An amicus curiae brief
filed by the Reporters Committee for the Freedom of the Press (RCFP) and
eighteen other media organizations noted, “When a subpoena demands information
about confidential sources, the specter of enforcing that subpoena has a
chilling effect on all future sources who may have valuable information about
matters of public concern, but need an assurance of confidentiality before
sharing it.”
In light of the spuriousness of the charges made by Herbert, Judge
Vincent Gaughan was forced to quash the subpoena. Gaughan, however, maintained
he did so not because of Kalven’s protected status as a reporter, but because
of the inadequacy of the subpoena itself. While the dismissal of the subpoena
was a victory for Kalven’s rights as a reporter, the courts have only
maintained a qualified and limited assertion of a reporter’s privilege.
After months of legal and court battles, the Emanuel
administration released the video of the shooting on a late night in 2014. The
video confirmed what the witnesses and autopsy reports showed. Laquan McDonald,
an impoverished ward of the state, unknown to the public until his untimely
death, was shot sixteen times by Van Dyke as he walked away from the officer.
The first few shots took the teenager down. Van Dyke subsequently shot him
multiple times as smoke emerged from his shaking, dying body.
The video of McDonald finally released in November 2015 engulfed
the Emanuel administration in a full-blown political crisis. Protests ensued
nightly and there were widespread calls for Emanuel to resign for his role in
the cover-up. Instead, the Democratic Party and the political establishment
thereafter began a process of damage control.
Emanuel, who bears chief responsibility for the murder, remains in
office and no high-level political figure has been charged. In December of
2015, Emanuel called for the resignation of Superintendent Garry McCarthy, the
head of the CPD at the time of McDonald’s death. Van Dyke was then indicted on
six counts of first-degree murder and one count of official misconduct.
Multiple officers on the scene were involved in a conspiracy to cover up what
happened. The official organs of police oversight, such as the Independent
Police Review Authority, sanctioned the false statements of the officers.
The mainstream press, for their part, uncritically reported what
CPD officials told them, which was that McDonald had lunged at the officer with
a knife. Kalven’s reporting, however, was instrumental in bringing to light the
real circumstances of the murder of McDonald and added to the growing public
outrage against police brutality.
In the wake of the release of the
video, Emanuel also vowed to create a task force for police accountability, in
order to cover up his own tracks. Emails released by the Chicago
Tribune later revealed the entire administration in City Hall
was aware of the video and chose to suppress it. The Justice Department also
opened an investigation, which released its report earlier this year. The
report revealed a damning pattern of constitutional
abuses by the CPD. It
detailed a history of police brutality and violence in Chicago, but it only
offered mere palliatives and half-measures.
Despite the reporting by Kalven and widespread outrage against
police brutality in Chicago, there has been no fundamental change in the course
of the CPD and its policies. Far from ushering in an era of “police reform”, as
promised by Emanuel in the wake of release of the video footage of the police
murder of McDonald, police violence and brutality continue unabated, in Chicago
and across the country.
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