Thursday, June 21, 2018


Blacks, in other words, committed 85% of the interracial crimes between blacks and whites, even though they are 13 percent of the population. 

The Violent Life and Shocking Death of XXXTentacion

Jahseh Onfroy, better known as the artist XXXTentacion, purposefully collapsed the real-life pain he wrought on others into his artistic persona. He was killed on Monday.
Photograph by Matias J. Ocner / TNS / ZUMA
On Monday, an eyewitness video obtained by TMZ circulated on social media, showing Jahseh Onfroy, better known as the artist XXXTentacion, slumped in the driver’s seat of his black BMW outside of a motorcycle dealership in Deerfield Beach, Florida. The Broward County Sheriff’s Office confirmed that Onfroy had been shot in broad daylight. He was confirmed dead at a local hospital a short while later. The killers made off with a Louis Vuitton bag. (On Wednesday night a twenty-two-year-old suspect was arrested and charged with first-degree murder.)
Onfroy lived his short life chaotically, violently. And his jagged confessional music, which enraptured millions, sprang nakedly from that violence. Usually, when musicians die as young and as tragically as Onfroy, they are the subject of hagiography. We lament the beauty gone, think forlornly of the future art the cruel present has stolen. The death of Onfroy and that of Lil Peep, in November of last year, are alarming signs of the recklessness governing the new-money life styles of certain young Internet celebrities, who are the inheritors of America’s dangerous crises of mental health, drug abuse, and masculinity. But reflecting on Onfroy’s legacy also requires a frank confrontation with the malignity he inflicted.

Onfroy was born in Plantation, Florida, in 1998, and raised in Broward County, primarily by his grandmother. His mother was a teen-ager when she had him, and she drifted in and out of his life, bringing lavish gifts and leaving sizable voids. Onfroy said, in an interview with the podcast “No Jumper,” in 2016, that he would instigate fights in grade school as a ploy to get her attention. In a recent interview with the Miami New Timeshe told the reporter Tarpley Hittthat his mother once gave him permission to retaliate against a female classmate who was hitting him as a form of juvenile flirtation. In response, he “slapped the shit out of her and kneed her.” Onfroy said that his mom was surprised; she “realized how seriously I took her.” Later, he would get her name—Cleopatra—tattooed on his chest.
Onfroy spent his late childhood and adolescence in and out of juvenile-detention centers, for charges ranging from robbery to assault. He spent the rest of his time in the basements and studios of friends, where he assembled the scraps and fragments of his psyche into paeans to disaffection, to his depression, to Xanax and the numbing it brought, and to women, whom he viewed as devourers of his soul. (“Only time I feel pain, when I’m feelin’ love.”) He started uploading music to SoundCloud, in 2013. His early songs were howls, his rapping agile but his voice cracked; the production was bruised and unpolished. Onfroy seemed to add to his catalogue impulsively. By the time of his death, he’d made loosies, mixtapes, a smattering of features, and two albums, including “?,” which débuted at No. 1 on the Billboard charts.
Among the ranks of the SoundCloud rap generation, there are pranksters, heartthrobs, and dilettantes, but Onfroy clawed to the surface as the genre’s wretched bard. He stalked the shadows of metal and emo and punk rock, and fleeced rap of its devotion to materialism, focussing instead, obsessively, on existential crisis. There wasn’t a dark thought that he kept hidden. He unleashed a tremulous bombardment of pessimism, occasionally interrupted by feral gestures of overwhelming helplessness. “Here is my pain and thoughts put into words. I put my all into this, in the hopes that it will help cure or at least numb your depression,” he speaks, on the introduction to his first album, “17.” He peddled the seductive notion that depression is license to hurt people, perhaps because it was his own personal justification. He wrote ditties threatening suicide if a partner left him, which I would hear blasting from cars on my block. Throughout his music, there are presages to an early death.
Onfroy purposefully collapsed the real-life pain he wrought on others into his artistic persona. The art for “Look At Me!,” a breakout single, featured one of his mugshots. It climbed the charts while he was in jail on charges of false imprisonment, witness tampering, and the assault and battery of a pregnant woman, his former girlfriend. (When she established a GoFundMe campaign for an operation to fix her broken orbital socket, people calling themselves XXXTentacion fans targeted her until the Web site temporarily shut it down.) To promote his music on “No Jumper,” Onfroy bragged about beating a gay peer at a detention center until they were both covered in blood. XXXTentacion lived his art, which some would call a mark of authenticity. He was admired by J. Cole and advocated for by Kendrick Lamar, whose label, TDE, threatened to remove its music from Spotify when the service briefly stopped promoting XXXTentacion on its playlists as part of its policy against hateful conduct. Many artists have memorialized him in recent days, including Kanye West, whose own new album, “Ye,” includes disturbing musings (“I thought about killing you”) that sound influenced by XXXTentacion. Onfroy’s victims are sacrifices, the thinking goes, on the pyre of raw art. The immaturity is part and parcel of the genius. The only unforgivable thing would be to be a hypocrite.
In remembrances of Onfroy in recent days, some have argued that, however grossly misguided his behavior, he provided his listeners with invaluable solace and understanding. Even that is a simplification. He could be strangely encouraging, uploading inspirational homilies to fans he knew were struggling with issues of mental health, which his followers have clung to in the days since his death. (“If I’m gonna die or ever be a sacrifice, I want to make sure that my life made at least five million kids happy,” he said in an Instagram Live video posted late last year.) But he could also be despotic. At the Rolling Loud Festival in California, in 2017, he beat one fan with a microphone. On Instagram, he taunted people who challenged him about domestic violence. Last year, in an episode of particularly cruel chicanery, he uploaded a video in which he appeared to be hanging himself from a tree, sparking an online panic. His fans, sometimes out of ignorance, but most often, I think, out of desperation, loved him. They propped him up, voting him to the XXL Freshman List of 2017.
I’ve counted myself lucky to have grown up before XXXTentacion’s vicious ironies, knowing that as a teen-ager I may well have been enthralled by his lazy groans on tracks like “Moonlight.” But how much better did the teen idols of older generations really treat us? Music fandom is a passion that discourages rational thinking, and some artists take advantage of that. The fans do the rest. (On Tuesday, Onfroy’s former girlfriend posted a message on Instagram saying that she had been driven out of a vigil for him in Florida.) I am not sure that it is fruitful to patrol how people will remember XXXTentacion. If Onfroy is made a saint, he will join a pantheon that is plenty confused already. If people stomp on his name, I understand. Last October, he’d signed a new deal for a reported six million dollars. He died on the brink of something. We just don’t know what.


The Anti-Profiling Movement Is Killing Black Pedestrians

From time to time, the media tell the truth about issues that have a racial edge, usually by accident.  Such was the case in February of this year, when a local TV news crew visited a largely black St. Louis neighborhood to follow up on a hit-and-run incident.
A speeding car had struck two ten-year-old boys and kept on going.  Local people were outraged.  School principal Stella Erondu told the reporter, "It's just like the wild, wild west.  Anyone can do whatever, drive however they want on these streets."  Other neighbors echoed her comments.
The reporter on the scene had no reason to doubt the neighbors.  While he was there monitoring the intersection in question, an estimated 50 percent of the drivers blew right through the stop sign.
Back at the studio, the news anchor expressed shock at the "blatant disregard for children, the laws, everything in this neighborhood."  He called the situation "unbelievable."  It may have been unbelievable in the anchor's neighborhood, but in urban St. Louis, reckless driving is something of a norm.
If these local news people were willing to shed some light on a serious problem, their betters at the Washington Post prefer to keep their readers in the dark.  A recent Post article that focused on St. Louis led with the perfectly useless headline "Pedestrian deaths soar nationally as SUV use increases."
The reporter made the case that pedestrian deaths nationwide were up 46 percent from 2009 and attributed the increase to there being more SUVs on the road.  This correlation explained close to nothing.  From 2006 to 2013, as SUVs increased in number, pedestrian deaths declined, as did overall auto fatalities, the latter by 25 percent.
Pedestrian fatalities did not start spiking until 2015.  In that year, they increased 9 percent from the prior year.  In 2016, they increased 12 percent over the total in 2015.  The 2017 numbers were almost identical to those of 2016.
As it happens, pedestrian fatalities track closely with homicides.  This may not be a coincidence.  From 2006 to 2014, homicides nationwide declined steadily save for a minor blip in 2012.  This trend resulted in 3,000 fewer murders in 2014 than in 2006.
After August 2014, the trend abruptly reversed itself.  In 2015, murders rose at their fastest pace in a quarter-century.  In 2016, America experienced 17,250 murders, 3,086 more than in 2014.  In sum, from 2014 to 2016, homicides increased 21 percent, and pedestrian traffic deaths increased 22 percent.
There appears to have been a precipitating event, certainly for homicides.  In August 2014, Officer Darren Wilson shot and killed Michael Brown in the streets of Ferguson, Missouri.  A furor ensued, particularly in the St. Louis area, where Ferguson is located.  The police pulled back to protect themselves from physical harm and legal jeopardy, and the thugs moved in to fill the void left behind.
Not surprisingly, the so-called "Ferguson effect" has had its most dramatic impact on Missouri.  In 2013, there were 120 murders in St. Louis.  In 2015, post-Ferguson, there were 188.   In 2017, there were 205, a 71-percent increase from 2013.  Kansas City went from 76 homicides in 2014 to 149 in 2017, a 96-percent increase.
The Ferguson effect appears to have influenced driving habits as well, especially after the release of Attorney General Eric Holder's "scathing" March 2015 report.  Unable to nail Wilson for the shooting, Holder called out the whole Ferguson Police Department for its "implicit and explicit racism."
Holder cited as evidence the fact that blacks accounted for 85 percent of traffic stops in a city that was 67 percent black.  Local and national media latched on to this story and did not limit their criticism to Ferguson.  Cops throughout the state, if not the nation, got the message.
Years earlier, New Jersey trooper union vice president Dave Jones spoke to the effect of these a priori condemnations on the police psyche.  "There's a tremendous demoralizing effect of being guilty until proven innocent," said Jones after his fellow troopers came under scrutiny from the Clinton Justice Department.  "Anyone you interact with can claim you've made a race-based stop, and you spend years defending yourself."
The St. Louis numbers seem to confirm Jones's concern.  In 2015, as homicides were soaring in the city, so were pedestrian deaths.  They increased from 5 to 21 in just one year and have eased only a little in the years since.  Just as with homicides, blacks are more likely to be the victims of a fatal pedestrian encounter than are members of other races.  Nationwide, they are 87 percent more likely to be killed in pedestrian accidents than whites.
The release early this month of the annual report on vehicle stops by the Missouri attorney general's office will only make life more dangerous for black pedestrians.  The AP's Jim Salter hit all the predictably false notes in his write up on the report.
"Nearly four years after protests in Ferguson raised concerns about racial profiling of blacks in Missouri," Salter wrote, "a report from the state attorney general shows that African-American drivers are 85 percent more likely to be pulled over than whites – the highest percentage in the 18 years the state has compiled data."
Salter talked about the "disparity index" with a willfully ignorant NAACP rep straight out of central casting.  "Quite frankly, it's really deplorable," said John Gaskin of St. Louis.  "It's why we've ended up in a situation where people are talking about travel advisories and African-American groups are less likely to come and do business in our state."
A look at the actual report, however, suggests that the perceived disparity is much more likely to be a result of black driving habits than police biases.  Yes, statistically, blacks were 85 percent more likely to be stopped than whites.
What the media did not report, however, is that blacks were 129 percent more likely to be stopped than Hispanics, 224 percent more likely to be stopped than Asians, and 400 percent more likely to be stopped than American Indians.
The possibility that different ethnic groups have, in general, different driving habits should not have come as news to those paid to report the news.  In 2002, the New Jersey attorney general commissioned a study to determine driving habits by race.  The study found that 25 percent of those driving 15 or more miles above the speed limit on the New Jersey Turnpike were black despite the fact that they made up only 16 percent of the drivers.  The disparity was even higher at higher speeds.
As Heather Mac Donald reported in a much discussed City Journal article, "[b]lack drivers speed twice as much as white drivers, and speed at reckless levels even more."  In fact, blacks were stopped less by troopers than their driving habits might have predicted.
The New Jersey study was the most authoritative one ever done on the subject.  The study should have put an end to the incendiary articles that scorch America's police departments every time a new traffic stop report is released, but it obviously has not.
Instead, the media ask their audiences to ignore all inconvenient statistics, all logic about police motives, and even the fatal consequences to black pedestrians for no better reason than to perpetuate the myth that law enforcement practices are "deplorable."  Cops have heard that word before, and that is one reason why Donald Trump is president.

A Window Into a Depraved Culture

The Chicago torture video provides a close-up look at gang-centered criminal mayhem.
January 8, 2017
Public safety
"Blacks, in other words, committed 

85% of the interracial crimes 

between blacks and whites, even 

though they are 13 percent of the 


Anti-police activists and the mainstream media are incensed at the suggestion that the Black Lives Matter movement could have influenced the behavior of the four individuals in Chicago who tortured a disabled white man for hours last week while yelling “Fuck white people” and “Fuck Donald Trump.” In one sense, the activists and media are right: The influences were broader than that. They include the reign of racial victimology, inner-city gang culture, and black anti-white animus.
We live in Ta-Nehesi Coates’s America, characterized by the assumption that blacks are the eternal targets of lethal white oppression. Coates’s central thesis in Between the World and Me, his acclaimed phantasmagoria of racial victimology, is that America continuously aspires to the “shackling” and “destruction” of “black bodies.”
Chicago’s four torturers certainly have not read Between the World and Me. But the book’s worldview echoes throughout our society, including in the inner city. Michelle Alexander’s equally publicized book, The New Jim Crow, argues that the U.S. seeks to reimpose de facto segregation on blacks via the criminal justice system. Alexander has been a staple on black media, among many other outlets. President Obama has insisted, even up to his last days in office, that blacks are the victims of a racist criminal-justice system. The press routinely disseminates phony statistics that purport to demonstrate a police war on blacks. These ideas matter.
Black Lives Matter ideology is just a more in-your-face manifestation of the Coatesian conceit that blacks are living in a system determined to destroy them. The Chicago Black Lives Matter chapter embraces the motto “Stop killing us,” aimed at the Chicago Police Department. It chants: “CPD, KKK: How many children did you kill today?” (The answer is: Virtually none. Last year, over 

3,400 people in Chicago were shot, 

overwhelmingly black. Victims 

included 24 children 12 years of age or 

younger. The Chicago cops shot 25 

people, virtually all armed and 

dangerous, or .6 percent of the total.) 

The Chicago Black Lives Matter chapter disseminates inflammatory lies about the Chicago police, such as that BLM activist Ja’Mal Green was beaten for 30 hours following an arrest for battery against an officer and trying to disarm an officer. Increasing the size of the Chicago Police department, per the Chicago BLM, will simply result in “more killings by police, more police torture and violence.”
These anti-law enforcement claims reinforce existing anti-white animus in the inner city. The notion that the dominant or exclusive racism in America today is white anti-black racism is absurd. Though many urban residents harbor no racial animosity, the recurrent “Fuck Whitey” and “Kill the cops” themes in rap music are not accidental. (Sample: “Kill the White people; we gonna make them hurt; kill the White people; but buy my record first,” by Apache, adopting without obvious irony lines from an Eddie Murphy parody; “The White man is the devil… Drive-by shooting on this White genetic mutant,” by Menace Clan.) I have been warned by residents of one East Harlem housing project not to go to a neighboring project because “they really hate whites there.”
Even if there weren’t already a strain of racial hostility in inner-city culture, the constant establishment refrain that whites oppress blacks at every opportunity would create it. Every highly publicized cop assassination in the last two years has triggered gloating on social media. Ja’Mal Green told the New York Times that the assassination of five Dallas police officers was “not a setback at all” for Black Lives Matter. The Dallas gunman had said he wanted to kill white people and white cops. Though Green insisted that he was not encouraging violence, he said that the assassination showed “the people of this country that black people are getting to a boiling point. We are tired of watching police kill our brothers and sisters. We are tired of being tired.” At some point, there “comes a time when black people will snap,” he said. While one is grateful for Green’s avowal not to be encouraging violence, such sentiments come close to rationalizing it.
The establishment typically looks the other way at manifestations of black anti-white animus. Racism in rap music is usually ignored. The Associated Press excluded any reference to the race of the victim and assailants in its initial report on the Chicago torture episode, as John Hinderaker observed at Powerline, and merely noted that police were investigating a “beating” captured on social media. The AP’s follow-up report acknowledged that someone in the video appeared to use profanities about “white people” and that the victim “appeared to be white,” while “others shown in the video appeared to be black.”
Radley Balko rushed to tweet out that the Chicago kidnapping is not a trend because since 2001, 80–85 percent of white murder victims were killed by whites. True, but the percentage of blacks killed by blacks is higher. From 1980 to 2008, 93 percent of black victims were killed by blacks. White-on-black homicides are much rarer than black-on-white homicides. The vast bulk of interracial violence is committed by blacks. In 2012, blacks committed 560,600 acts of violence against whites, and whites committed 99,403 acts of violence against blacks, according to data from the National Crime Victimization Survey provided to the author:
Distribution of violent victimizations, by race/Hispanic origin of victim and perceived race/Hispanic origin of offender, 2012–2013

Blacks, in other words, committed 

85% of the interracial crimes 

between blacks and whites, even 

though they are 13 percent of the 


This data accords with the last published report on interracial crime from the Bureau of Justice Statistics; the Bureau stopped publishing its table on interracial crime after 2008, the first year of the Obama presidency. 
Some portion of those black-on-white crimes may be driven by the same racial hostility that gives rise to urban flash mobs and the knockout game. As Dead Prez rapped: “We gonna order take out and when we see the driver/We gonna stick the 25 up in his face . . . White boy in the wrong place at the right time.” Even if the higher rate of black-on-white violence is simply a product of blacks’ higher rate of violence generally, that violent crime rate is another fact suppressed by the mainstream media whenever possible. In response to the Chicago torture video, Callum Borchers of the Washington Post sneered at conservatives’ supposed delusions, such as that “Chicago is a war zone.” This idea struck Borchers as so preposterous that he repeated it later in his column: “Oh, and by the way, Chicago (the part inhabited mostly by black people, anyway) is a super-dangerous place, just like Trump said.”
One wonders how quickly Collum would move his family out of the allegedly pacific South and West Sides of Chicago if he actually had to live there. The following is a partial sampling of crime headlines from Chicago papers over the last few weeks, in reverse chronological order:
SHOOTINGS KILL 4 PEOPLE, WOUND 24 SINCE SATURDAY, POLICE SAY [referring to the 24-hour period from December 31, 2016 to January 1, 2017]
Or maybe Borchers is only interested in the white areas of Chicago, which are not yet a “war zone.”
Black Lives Matter activist Shaun King, responding to the Chicago torture, rejected the idea of speaking out “on crimes committed by black folk because nobody in this country is held more responsible for the crimes they commit, and even the crimes they don’t commit, than black folk in America. . . . American prisons are full of black folk who are being held responsible for every mistake they’ve ever made.” Try telling that to Chicago Police Superintendent Eddie Johnson. Johnson regularly bemoans the fact that convicted gun felons in Chicago have little to fear from the criminal-justice system, because they are so quickly back on the streets following a shooting. The Illinois Black Caucus has blocked stiffer penalties for gun crime.
The victims of a November 2016 robbery spree in Chicago may also disagree with King that the criminal-justice system is vindictive against black criminals. Isaiah Scaife had already been convicted of theft, attempted theft, criminal trespass, and possession of a stolen motor vehicle before he turned 18, according to DNAInfo. He continued to commit gun crimes as a young adult. At age 19, after a conviction for aggravated unlawful use of a weapon, Scaife was already out on parole. That’s when he began his five-day crime spree on November 18, robbing a Subway store’s customers after sticking his gun in a baby’s face and trying to manhandle his way behind the restaurant’s counter. A few minutes later, he robbed a man leaving a Citgo gas station, beating the victim unconscious with his gun before shooting him in the face. The next day, Scaife returned to the same Subway, where he robbed and choked a man while a juvenile accomplice pointed a gun at the victim. A few days later, Scaife pulled a gun on a man at another gas station and stole his possessions and car. At his arraignment, he yelled at the court deputies: “I’m going to spit on your ass.”
Scaife is hardly unique. A huge percentage of violent crime is committed by people with serious criminal histories who are free to continue terrorizing the innocent. And, pace King, if you commit a drug crime, you’ll get more leniency in a large urban jurisdiction than in a rural county, where sentences for white drug dealers dwarf those of inner-city traffickers, according to the New York Times.
At least one of the Facebook torture assailants belonged to the gang culture that produces Chicago’s violent crime. Tesfaye Cooper posted a video on his YouTube channel in October in which he points a rifle at the camera and says: “I’ll put a bullet in your ass,” reports DNAInfo Chicago. Cooper’s Facebook page glorifies him posing with guns and paying homage to local murderers. His raps threaten to kill people who disrespect him and his crew.
The violence in the Chicago torture video does not arise in a vacuum. Most residents of inner-city areas are hardworking bourgeois citizens longing to live in safety and in racial harmony. But the video opens a window into a culture that America would prefer to turn its eyes away from—and which it has helped create.

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