Janet Napolitano makes the case for requiring those who act on behalf of foreign nationals to register as agents of their government, which in Napolitano’s case would be Mexico
Janet Napolitano Departs the University of California
Janet Napolitano makes the case for requiring those who act on behalf of foreign nationals to register as agents of their government, which in Napolitano’s case would be Mexico
Janet Napolitano Departs the University of California
Janet Napolitano Departs the University of California
After transforming it into Clinton University.
Janet Napolitano is stepping down as president of the University of California, claiming, “it seemed like a good time to have some fresh blood.” Napolitano was never an educator, so students, alumni, and taxpayers have good cause to wonder why she was hired in the first place.
As they survey the wreckage she leaves behind, Californians might look back at Napolitano’s political connections.
Janet Napolitano made her public debut in the 1991 campaign to keep Clarence Thomas off the U.S. Supreme Court. Anita Hill accused Thomas of sexually harassing her and Napolitano, then with a Phoenix law firm, represented Hill in the matter. In the confirmation proceedings, Hill’s witness Susan Hoerchner, “suddenly developed amnesia,” about parts of her story that contradicted Hill.
Napolitano refused to answer questions whether she had persuaded Hoerchner to change her testimony, that is, to lie. That sort of witness tampering and obstruction of justice should have got Napolitano disbarred and ended her legal career. As she knew, in Democrat circles, smear duty against an African American conservative Supreme Court Nominee is the key to stardom.
Napolitano went on to serve as attorney general of Arizona and her great achievement in that office was to ban Christmas displays on public property. As Arizona governor, she inclined to cronyism, appointing to the state supreme court her campaign attorney Scott Bales, a liberal Democrat who also worked at her former law firm. Governor Napolitano vetoed seven bills intended to fight illegal immigration but her anti-conservative zealotry came to the fore during her stint as Department of Homeland Security boss under POTUS 44.
Napolitano followed his lead and expunged the word “terrorism” from the DHS lexicon and purged experts showing the connection between terrorism and jihad. On Napolitano’s watch, the DHS put out Rightwing Extremism: Current Economic and Political Climate Fueling Resurgence in Radicalization and Recruitment, a sweeping indictment of those who prefer limited government and constitutional measures such as the Second Amendment.
Napolitano’s DHS failed to track Tamerlan Tsarnaev’s bomb training and despite warnings from abroad failed to keep him out of the country. In 2009, Farouk Abdulmutallab, a protégé of Anwar al-Awlaki on a terrorist watch list, managed to buy a one-way ticket with cash and board the plane with a bomb in his underwear. Napolitano claimed “the system worked” in this case.
Napolitano began releasing detainees from immigration jails and distorted the numbers. She claimed that the border was more secure than ever when it wasn’t, attacked state efforts to step up enforcement, and ridiculed the idea of a border wall. On her watch the number of those crossing the border illegally increased and her tenure at DHS, said Sen. Jeff Sessions, was “defined by a consistent disrespect for the rule of law.” Napolitano continued that disrespect as president of the University of California.
In 1996, California voters passed the California Civil Rights Initiative (Proposition 209), barring racial and ethnic preferences in university admissions. Napolitano derided the measure as a “legal barrier,” to “diversity.” Napolitano hailed a “partnership” with Mexico and made the UC a sanctuary system, founding and funding the UC Center for Undocumented Student Legal Services. President Napolitano also ruled that UC campus police would not cooperate with federal authorities.
As a result of this sanctuary policy, the 4,000 or so illegals now in the UC system are the most protected and pampered in the country. They pay in-state tuition and Napolitano granted them a $25.2 million aid package running through 2019. While spending American taxpayers’ money on illegal foreign nationals, Napolitano made no cuts in the UC’s bloated bureaucracy. And she steadily ramped up tuition and fees for the California students the University of California was created to serve. The students responded by exercising their First Amendment rights.
At a UC Regents meeting in 2017, students shouted “Arrest Napolitano!” and “Janet must go!” They were protesting the steady tuition hikes Napolitano imposed while secretly amassing a slush fund of $175 million, which she used to shower perks on overpaid staff and renovate the houses of UC chancellors.
The state auditor reported that Napolitano’s office “intentionally interfered” with their investigators, which could be construed as an obstruction of justice. To the surprise of nobody, Attorney General Xavier Becerra, once on Hillary Clinton’s short list as a running mate, filed no charges. In one-party California, corrupt Democrat partisans are always above the law.
Janet Napolitano is the equivalent of those Democrat insiders now trying to revive the inquisition against Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh. Napolitano succeeded in transforming one of the nation’s great universities into a wholly owned subsidiary of Democrat domestic policy. The former DHS boss marginalized legitimate American students and made the University of California a service center for thousands of false documented illegals who should not even be in the country.
Like Rose Bird, Jerry Brown’s pick to head the state supreme court, the first female UC president was also the worst. Janet Napolitano makes the case for requiring those who act on behalf of foreign nationals to register as agents of their government, which in Napolitano’s case would be Mexico. The former DHS boss also previews what the nation would look like under the control of any Democrat running for president.
The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) is ending the policy known as “catch and release” next week, as announced by Acting DHS Secretary Kevin McAleenan on Monday, Sept. 23, at a Council on Foreign Relations event in Washington.
“What we’re doing with Central American families now that’s ending the catch and release process is that if they don’t have a fear or claim, they’re going to be repatriated in a streamline fashion, or if they do have a fear or claim, asked to wait under the Migrant Protection Protocols in Mexico,” he said.
“So they will not be currently held on the U.S. side of the border, even in the family residential centers, because we’re not able right now to complete an immigration proceeding, while in the 21 days we have by court order,” McAleenan added.
In March, Border Patrol began releasing families directly from its custody into the United States, with a notice to appear in court after facilities became overrun, with tens of thousands still on the way to the border, and 811,016 apprehensions at the southern border in fiscal year 2019, according to Customs and Border Protection data.
In May, of the 132,859 migrants apprehended or encountered at the Southwest border, the U.S. Customs and Border Protection noted 90 percent had crossed illegally between ports of entry. Of the May apprehensions, 72 percent were of unaccompanied children and family units.
But McAleenan said more recently, there has been a drop in apprehensions along the U.S.-Mexico border, with total enforcement actions for Central Americans who present at the border down more than 70 percent after President Donald Trump threatened Mexico with 5 percent tariffs if the government didn’t do more to address the flow of illegal immigrants to the U.S. southern border.
Trump and a top immigration official had earlier this month said the administration was working on ending the “catch and release.”
Mark Morgan, commissioner of Customs and Border Protection, told reporters on Sept. 18 that the policy shift will be possible through a “network of initiatives and policies by this administration that’s really been supported by several different entities within” the DHS, including his agency, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.
Trump told reporters: “There will be no more catch and release. Nobody coming into the country … And that’s without the Democrats.”
Morgan said there are “two significant things” that are able to enable the practice of “catch and release” to end.
The first, he said, relates to a new internal final rule (IFR) to come out, as a result of a Supreme court decision, to block a nationwide injunction from a federal judge.
U.S. District Court Judge Jon Tigar twice tried to issue the injunction on a Trump administration rule that bans migrants from seeking asylum in the United States if they have traveled through another safe country without having sought protection there.
The second factor, according to Morgan, is the Migrant Protection Protocol (MPP)—a policy that enables the government to take foreigners who seek to enter the United States from Mexico illegally or without proper documentation and return them to Mexico while their cases go through the U.S. court system.
The system is referred to as “remain in Mexico” and was supported by an appeals court in May—a ruling that lifted another nationwide injunction.
Morgan also hailed the government of Mexico for supporting the Trump administration’s efforts to stem illegal migration, saying the government has provided “unprecedented support,” including 25,000 troops.
Epoch Times reporter Zachary Stieber contributed to this report.
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