Wednesday, November 6, 2019

THE LA RAZA MEXICAN HEROIN CARTELS ARE WINNING! - The former president of Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto, took a $100 million bribe from Joaquín Guzmán Loera, the infamous crime lord known as El Chapo, according to a witness at Mr. Guzman’s trial. ALAN FEUER

Political Cartoons by Michael Ramirez



Mexican Cartels Are Winning the Propaganda War

CJNG
Breitbart Texas / Cartel Chronicles
5:18

Cartels repeatedly demonstrate their capabilities as effective propagandists against the general public, rivals, and even layers of Mexican or international governing bodies. Their practices try to blur the lines between criminality, terrorism, and even righteous insurgency — raising red flags for national security.

Though typically unrealized, many Mexican cartels manage their organizations like large corporations complete with accounting, legal, and public relations departments. It is common for members to refer to their groups as a “companies.” Simply referring to them as “drug cartels” minimizes their impacts on life and culture south of the border and beyond.
News Media
Dedicated propaganda cells traffic in all forms of new and old media outreach. They place vinyl banners on government buildings, bridges, overpasses, and monuments. In one instance, they even dropped leaflets from an airplane reminiscent of psy-ops efforts prior to a military invasion. They also use social media to disseminate graphic torture footage to catch the attention of international journalists. Every message is designed to either threaten rivals, defend its actions, or even promote good deeds for the benefit of the civilian population living on their turf.
Mexican journalists also walk a tightrope when attempting straight coverage of cartel exploits. Such work in Mexico is some of the most dangerous in the world. In 2019, nearly 250 cases of violence directed at media personnel in the country were documented. Investigative reporters willing to dig into cartel and government connections are particularly at risk.
These organizations do not circulate press releases and hope for glowing coverage. Many Mexican newsrooms are compromised to the point that a particular cell will be in constant contact to act as a de facto assignment editor – deciding which unflattering stories go unpublished versus items that make rivals look bad in the public eye. Failure to cooperate too often means death.
In the Streets
Cartels are bold in their efforts to secure the hearts, minds, and especially stomachs of those living impoverished lives around them. During high holidays, cartel gunmen will lay down arms in public squares to distribute toys or food as if they were the Red Cross. Recently in Michoacán, Cartel Jalisco New Generation (CJNG) posted a video distributing food to the poor. In Tamaulipas, the Gulf Cartel hands out Christmas gifts annually near the Texas border. Gunmen even manage to use local radio stations to promote their charitable acts. During Hurricane Ingrid in 2013, convoys of vehicles were used to distribute tons of food and supplies.
Music and Memes
Popular culture is also leveraged directly and indirectly to idealize the cartel lifestyle. Folk music dubbed “narco-corridos” promote bravery, riches, and sex surrounding the traffickers. Groups will even single out singers praising a rival faction for death. One music video uploaded to YouTube in 2013 promotes the Sinaloa Cartel by mixing staged and actual footage from sicarios.

Gunmen may even dabble in viral dance video challenges in full tactical gear.
Protests and ‘Human Rights’
Mexican organized crime can also wield influence over international bodies like the United Nations. The Cartel del Noreste (CDN) faction of Los Zetas developed efforts to astroturf street protests against police forces near the Texas border in Nuevo Leon. They worked to gin outrage against authorities as top-level operatives were targeted for arrest. Some entities are bold enough to cooperate with “human rights” groups to disseminate conspiracy theories against local governments. In May 2018, the UN issued accusations against federal authorities, suggesting they were abducting CDN members.
Attorneys and Spokesmen
Cartels are comfortable using attorneys for public means. No cartel is complete without a lawyer.
In the aftermath of the high-profile arrest and abrupt release of El Chapo’s son, Ovidio “El Raton” Guzman, multiple attorneys in Mexico and the United States were deployed to spin and play damage control. They held news conferences and sat for interviews to praise President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador’s (AMLO) actions. They also congratulated themselves for their public works on behalf of the Mexican people. One spokesman even explained the Sinaloa Cartel’s plans to build a university, inviting AMLO to attend the first stone laying with El Chapo’s mother. Attorneys also drew a line between the AMLO administration’s decision to release the “Chapito” while condemning those in law enforcement who were responsible for the arrest.
Days later, the Sinaloa Cartel released a branded public apology, which in turn placed much of the blame on federal forces for sparking terror in the state. They go on to thank AMLO for releasing their leader and encouraged authorities to “assume their responsibilities as we are assuming ours.”
New York-based attorney Jeffrey Lichtman, who represents convicted “El Chapo” Guzman, told PIX 11 “I don’t know what caused this, we don’t even know who was shooting the guns.” He also expressed discomfort with taking claims from Mexico City and Washington officials “as Gospel.”
Mexican cartels are perfecting the art of modern persuasion to threaten rivals with demonstrable violence while, in the same breath, suggesting such actions are in the public interest. Their messages can appear from an overpass during the morning drive and in a Twitter feed before turning off a nightlight. Their influence is seen in the local newspaper and on an FM dial. When innocents are objectively terrorized or harmed, a cleanup crew featuring fixers and charitable gestures follow. Until these sophisticated measures are understood and confronted on a critical scale, cartel control will continue to expand unabated.
Jaeson Jones is a retired Captain from the Texas Department of Public Safety’s Intelligence and Counterterrorism Division and a Breitbart Texas contributor. While on duty, he managed daily operations for the Texas Rangers Border Security Operations Center.


Mexico Now Says Different Cartel Responsible for Mormon Family Murders


Mexican Army
Breitbart Texas / Cartel Chronicles
2:46

Mexican security officials leading the investigation into the mass murder of nine Mormons in Sonora say the victims were likely mistaken for a rival cartel convoy. They also believe the Juarez Cartel–not the Sinaloa Cartel–is now to blame.

On Monday, a group of cartel gunmen shot and killed three women and six children as they were driving in the mountainous region between the Mexican border states of Sonora and Chihuahua, just south of the New Mexico boot heel. Authorities revealed they collected more than 200 rounds of spent .223 ammunition casings at the scene of the attack.
During a press conference on Wednesday morning, Mexican Army General Homero Mendoza said that earlier in the day of the incident, gunmen from the Sinaloa Cartel faction “Gente Nueva de Los Los Salazar” clashed with rivals from “La Linea,” the enforcement wing of the Juarez Cartel, based in the border state of Chihuahua.
The clashes took place in Agua Prieta, Sonora, when authorities received information on various skirmishes between La Linea and Los Salazar shortly after 3:15am local time. Three hours later, authorities responded to another incident at a funeral home in Agua Prieta.
After attacking the Sinaloa Cartel turf, La Linea took a series of defensive measures to keep rivals from entering Chihuahua for payback, Mendoza said in reference to a working theory on the case.
“[La Linea] placed a cell between the towns of Janos and Bavispe in the border of both states (Sonora and Chihuahua). It is assumed they sent it to stop any penetration by Los Salazar and it is assumed that this group is the one that took part in the aggression against the LeBaron family,” the general added.
The working theory is that since members of the LeBaron family were moving in four large SUVs, gunmen mistook them for a rival convoy, the general said.
“The types of vehicles they used, Suburbans, are commonly used by organized crime members moving along the mountain region,” Mendoza said.
On Tuesday afternoon, Chihuahua Attorney General Cesar Augusto Peniche claimed the likely suspects were the “Jaguares” cell within the Sinaloa Cartel since they control Agua Prieta. He said the Jaguares were at odds with La Linea and Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generacion (CJNG).
Ildefonso Ortiz is an award-winning journalist with Breitbart Texas. He co-founded Breitbart Texas’ Cartel Chronicles project with Brandon Darby and senior Breitbart management. You can follow him on Twitter and on Facebook. He can be contacted at Iortiz@breitbart.com
Brandon Darby is the managing director and editor-in-chief of Breitbart Texas. He co-founded Breitbart Texas’ Cartel Chronicles project with Ildefonso Ortiz and senior Breitbart management. Follow him on Twitter and Facebook. He can be contacted at bdarby@breitbart.com.     




MEXICO KILLS AMERICA TWICE OVER!

DHS Secretary: ‘ICE Interdicted Enough Fentanyl Last Year to

Kill Every American Twice Over’

https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2019/03/dhs-secretary-ice-interdicted-enough.html

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“Mexican Border States Net 320 Pounds of Meth in Two Days” BREITBART

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“Eight-Time Deportee Accused of Trafficking $850,000 in Meth, Cocaine.”

                                                                                  MICHAEL CUTLER

JUDICIAL WATCH:

“The greatest criminal threat to the daily lives of American citizens are the Mexican drug cartels.”

“Mexican drug cartels are the “other” terrorist threat to America. Militant Islamists have the goal of destroying the United States. Mexican drug cartels are now accomplishing that mission – from within, every day, in virtually every community across this country.” JUDICIALWATCH

NARCOMEX PRESIDENTS SUCK IN STAGGERING BRIBES FROM LA RAZA HEROIN CARTELS


"While other witnesses at Mr. Guzmán’s trial in Federal District Court in Brooklyn have testified about huge payoffs from traffickers to the Mexican police and public officials, the testimony about Mr. Peña Nieto was the most egregious allegation yet. If true, it suggests that corruption by drug cartels had reached into the highest level of Mexico’s political establishment."

https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2019/01/el-chapo-trial-formermexican-president.html

The former president of Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto, took a $100 million bribe from Joaquín Guzmán Loera, the infamous crime lord known as El Chapo, according to a witness at Mr. Guzman’s trial. ALAN FEUER

 HIGHLY GRAPHIC!

IMAGES OF AMERICA UNDER LA RAZA MEX OCCUPATION… gruesome!

http://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2013/10/america-la-raza-mexicos-wide-open.html

 BEHEADINGS LONG U.S. OPEN BORDERS WITH NARCOMEX: The La Raza Heroin Cartels Take the Border and Leave Heads


HIGHLY GRAPHIC VIDEO!
LA RAZA DRUG CARTELS CUT OUT HEART OF LIVING MAN.
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MARK LEVIN:
‘THERE IS A BIG, UGLY SIDE TO ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION


NARCOMEX DRUG CARTELS OCCUPY 

TEXAS



MCALLEN, Texas -- The capture of three top Mexican drug cartel bosses on the U.S. side of the Texas border helps to illustrate the irony of how even narco's seek refuge from the violence in Mexico.


LOS ANGELES – GATEWAY FOR THE LA RAZA MEX DRUG CARTELS

NARCOMEX in LA RAZA-OCCUPIED LOS ANGELES – Western gateway for the MEXICAN DRUG CARTELS and MEXICO’S SECOND LARGEST CITY.


Federal agents raided Q.T Fashion and numerous other businesses in the downtown fashion district Wednesday, cracking down on a scheme that cartels are increasingly relying on to get their profits — from drug sales, kidnappings and other illegal activities — back to Mexico, authorities said.

Nine people were arrested in raids targeting 75 locations, and $90 million was seized — $70 million in cash. In one condo, agents found $35 million stuffed in banker boxes. At a mansion in Bel-Air, they discovered $10 million in duffel bags.

"Los Angeles has become the epicenter of narco-dollar money laundering with couriers regularly bringing duffel bags and suitcases full of cash to many businesses," said Robert E. Dugdale, the assistant U.S. attorney in charge of federal criminal prosecutions in Los Angeles.


THE LA RAZA MEXICAN DRUG CARTELS REMIND AMERICANS (Legals) THAT THERE IS NO (REAL) BORDER WITH NARCOMEX!

SHOCKING IMAGES OF CARTELS ON U.S. BORDERS:
“Heroin is not produced in the United States. Every gram of heroin present in the United States provides unequivocal evidence of a failure of border security because every gram of heroin was smuggled into the United States. Indeed, this is precisely a point that Attorney General Jeff Sessions made during his appearance before the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on October 18, 2017 when he again raised the need to secure the U.S./Mexican border to protect American lives.” Michael Cutler …..FrontPageMag.com

Political Cartoons by Michael Ramirez





The disappeared’: searching for 40,000 missing victims of Mexico’s drug wars










‘The disappeared’: searching for 40,000 missing victims of Mexico’s drug wars




As he set off into the wilderness under a punishing midday sun, Jesse Barajas clutched an orange-handled machete and the dream of finding his little brother, José.
“He’s not alive, no. They don’t leave people alive,” the 62-year-old said as he slalomed through the parched scrubland of tumbleweed and cacti where they had played as kids. “Once they take someone they don’t let you live.”




series box

It has been six months since José Barajas was snatched from his home near the US border, for reasons that remain obscure.
“I think he was working so hard that he forgot his own safety, you know?” Jesse said as he recounted how his 57-year-old brother was dragged from his ranch and joined the ever-swelling ranks of Mexico’s desaparecidos – now estimated to number at least 40,000 people.
Jesse, the eldest of seven siblings, said US-based relatives had implored José to join them north of the border as the cartels tightened their grip on a region notorious for the smuggling of drugs and people.
“We told him how big a monster is organised crime. It is a huge monster that nobody knows where it is hiding,” he said.
But José – who had built a successful business making decorative concrete columns for ranches and was in the process of erecting a new house – was adamant he would abandon neither his workers nor his homeland.
“He was a man that believed in Mexico,” said Jesse, who left Mexico as an undocumented migrant aged 14 and is now a US citizen. “He chose to stay here because he thought that he could change things, you know?”
The disappeared are perhaps the dirtiest secret of Mexico’s drug conflict, which has shown no sign of easing since leftist leader Andrés Manuel López Obrador took power last December promising a new era of peace.
Calderón sends in the army

Mexico’s “war on drugs” began in late 2006 when the president at the time, Felipe Calderón, ordered thousands of troops onto the streets in response to an explosion of horrific violence in his native state of Michoacán.
Calderón hoped to smash the drug cartels with his heavily militarized onslaught but the approach was counter-productive and exacted a catastrophic human toll. As Mexico’s military went on the offensive, the body count sky-rocketed to new heights and tens of thousands were forced from their homes, disappeared or killed.

Kingpin strategy

Simultaneously Calderón also began pursuing the so-called “kingpin strategy” by which authorities sought to decapitate the cartels by targeting their leaders.
That policy resulted in some high-profile scalps – notably Arturo Beltrán Leyva who was gunned down by Mexican marines in 2009 – but also did little to bring peace. In fact, many believe such tactics served only to pulverize the world of organized crime, creating even more violence as new, less predictable factions squabbled for their piece of the pie.
Under Calderón’s successor, Enrique Peña Nieto, the government’s rhetoric on crime softened as Mexico sought to shed its reputation as the headquarters of some the world’s most murderous mafia groups.
But Calderón’s policies largely survived, with authorities targeting prominent cartel leaders such as Sinaloa’s Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán.
When “El Chapo” was arrested in early 2016, Mexico’s president bragged: “Mission accomplished”. But the violence went on. By the time Peña Nieto left office in 2018, Mexico had suffered another record year of murders, with nearly 36,000 people slain.

"Hugs not bullets"

The leftwing populist Andrés Manuel López Obrador took power in December, promising a dramatic change in tactics. López Obrador, or Amlo as most call him, vowed to attack the social roots of crime, offering vocational training to more than 2.3 million disadvantaged young people at risk of being ensnared by the cartels.
“It will be virtually impossible to achieve peace without justice and [social] welfare,” Amlo said, promising to slash the murder rate from an average of 89 killings per day with his “hugs not bullets” doctrine.
Amlo also pledged to chair daily 6am security meetings and create a 60,000 strong "National Guard". But those measures have yet to pay off, with the new security force used mostly to hunt Central American migrants.
Mexico now suffers an average of about 96 murders per day, with nearly 29,000 people killed since Amlo took office.

In August Mexican authorities, who after years of public pressure are beginning to demonstrate greater interest in investigating such crimes, acknowledged over 3,000 clandestine burial sites. More than 500 had been discovered since López Obrador took power.
One as-yet undiscovered grave is thought to guard the remains of José Barajas. And one recent morning his family set off to find it, in the company of a government forensic team and – a heavily armed federal police escort.
“It just sucks not knowing where he’s at,” said the missing man’s 28-year-old son, who is also called José and had travelled from California to join the search.
The mission – one of the first conducted in conjunction with a newly created state search commission – began shortly before noon as searchers formed a human chain to comb a stony heath east of José’s ranch.
Jesse struck out ahead, pausing occasionally to skewer the ground with his machete. After puncturing the earth, he would raise the blade’s tip to his nose in the hope of detecting the sickly scent that might reveal the whereabouts of his brother’s corpse. Other searchers probed soft patches of soil with T-shaped steel rods.
Minutes later, Jesse spotted a black bomber jacket, half buried in the soil. He quickly decided it was not his brother’s but photographed the garment with his smartphone: “Maybe somebody is looking for somebody with this jacket, huh?”
As Jesse marched on – shadowed by a rifle-toting police agent – the hidden perils that lay behind his brother’s disappearance became clear.
Pickup trucks, apparently sent by cartel bosses to monitor the search party, rattled past on the country lane down which José’s abductors fled.
“These assholes are halcones,” Jesse complained, using the Spanish slang word for lookouts.




searching

Unsettled by their presence, Jesse radioed another nearby search team to request a protective roadblock.
“They’re spying on us … watching our movements to see what we are looking for and what we are doing,” the police officer said.
Nerves jangled as the hawks continued to circle. “The criminals here are very bloody. They are beyond limits,” Jesse murmured as the police agent trained his gun on the road.
Twenty tense minutes later, reinforcements arrived. But the drama was not yet over. As Jesse clambered into the open back of a police vehicle two shiny SUVs appeared on the horizon and sped down the sun-cracked asphalt towards the group, before being forced to stop.
As the police car’s occupants braced for a gunfight, two men descended from the first SUV and exchanged a few inaudible words with the federal agents before the second car was allowed to pass unmolested.
The identity of its occupants remained a mystery. But as the vehicle raced away it left the unshakable impression that a local crime boss had been inside – and a serious confrontation narrowly avoided.
“We’re in a hostile place – and it’s not Iraq,” Jesse said as the team regrouped, heaving a collective sigh of relief.
After a lunch of energy drinks and granola bars, the hunt for José resumed.
“All we want to do is give him a proper burial, like every human,” the missing man’s son as a sniffer dog joined the search.
José’s son said relatives had not told his 92-year-old grandmother, who suffers from Alzheimer’s, what had happened and had yet to fully comprehend it themselves. “I guess we have to be OK with not being OK,” he said.
Once his father was found, José said the family would sell up and cut ties with the land his father had so loved. “It’s not the same any more, you know what I mean?”
Three hours later, nothing had been found but coyote bones and clothes ditched by migrants as they trekked towards the US. Back at his brother’s ranch, Jesse busied himself handing out burritos and spicy nachos to the famished searchers.
Fernando Ocegueda, the activist who had organized the mission, insisted searchers should keep faith. “Once we spent 15 days searching and found nothing – and on the last day we found three bodies.”
“This kind of activism is about patience, not speed,” Ocegueda later added.
Two days later, after a second fruitless hunt near the ranch, the Barajas family headed south to join another search, though this time not for José.
Outside a police station in the coastal town of Ensenada they met dozens of mostly female searchers – members of a local “collective”hoping to find their loved ones.
As the group explored its first location – a rocky wasteland behind the town’s country club – terrible stories of violence, fear and grief emerged.
“It was my nephew. They took him 18 days ago,” said one thirtysomething woman, who – like all of the collective’s members – asked not to be identified for fear of the cartels.
“My brother,” said a 15-year-old boy as he pummeled the earth with a shovel. “Three weeks.”
Another woman said she was seeking her son. “In December it will be six years since they disappeared him … and I’ve been in this fight ever since,” she said.




interactive

As the minutes and hours ticked by and no bodies were found, bloodshot eyes shed tears of sorrow and there were crossed words of frustration.
“It’s like looking for a needle in a haystack,” José’s son complained after a traipse through the wasteland found only swarms of bees and a poisonous snake.
But as the group moved from the viper-infested wild to a reeking landfill and, finally, a junkyard police suspected had served as a torture centre and burial ground, there was also camaraderie and warmth.
The bleakness of the task was tempered by shared experiences and laughter. Jokes were told. New friendships formed.
“We all have the same goal, which is finding our missing ones,” said Ocegueda who became a campaigner after his own son was taken, in 2007, and has recovered more than 120 bodies since.
Ocegueda has yet to locate his son – but he has found a calling. “This is where I like to be because it’s here I’ve found my people,” the 62-year-old said. “Along the way you make friends – and this is the most important thing.”
Also present was a woman still grappling with a more recent loss: José’s 49-year-old wife, Irma Bonilla Barajas.
Visibly drained, Irma threw herself into the search operation, determined to bring others closure, even if she had yet to find it herself.
Pausing from her digging, Irma remembered a hardworking family man whose absence was still sinking in. “He was so, so intelligent,” she said. “He used to calculate all the exact measurements for the concrete and his gazebos in his head.”
Six months after José vanished, Irma voiced bewilderment at the “evil minds” responsible for snatching so many Mexican lives.
“I just can’t make sense of it … If they’ve already killed them, why don’t they leave them for us?” she wondered. “What more harm can they do to them, if they are already dead?”

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