SENATOR DIANNE FEINSTEIN, LISTED ON JUDICIAL WATCH'S 10 MOST CORRUPT, TAUGHT THE REST HOW TO SUCK OFF BRIBES THROUGH MEMBERS OF YOUR FAMILY AND AVOID INDICTMENTS.
SHE HAS VOTED AGAINST ANY ATTEMPT TO END THIS FORM OF CORRUPTION
"We do have abundant evidence that Feinstein is a war profiteer and a self serving war monger."
freepress.org › article › dianne-feinstein-war-profiteer-and-war-criminal
Dianne Feinstein: War profiteer and war criminal. by Gerry Bello. July 5, 2013. Somewhere in northwest Pakistan Tuesday a sound was heard. Hellfire missiles
Feb 28, 2006 - It happens all the time. If the antiwar movement takes on the Democrats for their bitter shortcomings, a few liberals are bound to criticize us for ...
Oct 11, 2009 - President Barack Obama barely had time to graciously note his unworthiness of the Nobel Peace Prize before it was time to duck back into the ...
Apr 27, 2003 - First up: a contract announced last week between the Army and URS Corp., the San Francisco planning and engineering company that ...
Apr 22, 2003 - URS Corp., a San Francisco planning and engineering firm partially owned by California Sen. Dianne Feinstein's husband, landed an Army ...
Sep 25, 2015 - But none of that seems to matter to Dianne Feinstein and her war-profiteering husband, Richard Blum. Not only is Blum demanding adoption of ...
Feb 28, 2006 - Is this the kind of Democrat we want serving us? We already have Lieberman, Biden, Dodd and a host of other DINOs. It's about time for ...
May 11, 2006 - Senator Dianne Feinstein's husband, Richard Blum, could well be called ... under the microscope for its government ties and war profiteering, ...
Mar 11, 2014 - Senator Dianne Feinstein is frequently exasperating. The Democratic senator from California is one day ultra-liberal, in the lead in calling for ...
Apr 28, 2010 - Shortly before my expose of Senator Dianne Feinstein's conflict of interest ... With Blum's financial backing, Klein, a war contractor, operates a ...
Jul 24, 2008 - 32 posts - 28 authors - That's because Blum's wife, Senator Dianne Feinstein, appears to have used her seat on the Military Construction Appropriations subcommittee ...
Jul 16, 2015 - Richard Blum, husband of U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein, has profited ... has a $50,000–$100,000 investment in Colony American Homes War I and .... as a war profiteer in the box office smash, “War, What Ain't It Good For?”.
Oct 7, 2012 - Dianne Feinstein's Husband Richard C Blum.. On board of Vivisecting Organizations Richard C Blum, husband of insider trader war profiteer ...
Jun 5, 2018 - 1 Dianne Feinstein's record re animals contains secret areas. ... 'Richard Blum, a billionaire war profiteer, is also a regent at the University of ...
Apr 9, 2007 - of corruption and war profiteering. Feinstein releases statement to Fog City Journal. Members of Code Pink and Raging Grannies staged a ...
Jun 18, 2019 - Senator Feinstein's War Profiteering - Antiwar.com Original. https://original.
Mar 28, 2007 - As reported in Metroactive, an online report from the Silicon Valley, Feinstein's resignation followed six years of subcommittee work during ...
War profiteers are people, corporations, or any actors that profit from war. ... US Senator Dianne Feinstein, who voted in favor of the Iraq Resolution, and her ...
46 Dual citizenship with Israel; 47 support for iraq war; 48 Irresponsible remarks; 49 External links modified; 50 External links modified. There Certainly Needs to be a Section on Feinstein's Support for Illegal Immigrants. Feinstein ...... In 2007 the report received publicity, and the press accused the senator of war profiteering.
A war profiteer is any person or organization that makes unreasonable profits from warfare or .... The Center for Public Integrity has reported that US Senator Dianne Feinstein, who voted in favor of the Iraq Resolution, and her husband, Richard ...
Jul 23, 2012 - Feinstein decrying leaks coming from the White House when they led to the ... @
Aug 4, 2018 - War Profiteering & War Criminal Feinstein's Husband's firm URS/Perini getting ... URS to Support Spectrum Electronic Warfare Department in ...
CODEPINK, in partnership with an array of peace and disarmament groups, is launching a divestment campaign to encourage universities, religious ...
Mar 21, 2007 - Dianne Feinstein resigned after six years on the Military Contruction ... exposed the horrors of deficient medical care for Iraq war veterans.
by R Higgs - 2007 - Cited by 24 - Related articles
inaccurately, described as "capitalist" or "free market," war and preparation for war .... Feinstein Quits Committee under War-Profiteer Cloud; Report Documents.
Feinstein , China, Hong Kong and the Triad Connections voat.co/v/GreatAw […]" ... Insider Trader, War Profiteer, Chinese Company Invested Dianne Feinstein
Results 1 - 50 - The Feinsstein Family held war profiteering contracts in Afghanistan, Bolivia and other regions which held the exclusive mining contracts for ...
Andrew Feinstein's brilliant new book, The Shadow World (2011, review by Padel 2012) shows this clearly. Less scrutinized are the centrality of the arms ...
We do have abundant evidence that Feinstein is a war profiteer and a self serving war monger. And she does not support medicare for all. This makes her unfit ...
In truth, the Golden State is becoming a semi-feudal kingdom, with the
nation’s widest gap between middle and upper incomes—72
percent, compared with the U.S. average of 57 percent—and its highest poverty
rate. Roughly half of America’s homeless live in Los Angeles or San
Francisco, which now has the highest property crime rate among major
cities.
December
20, 2019
California Preening
The Golden
State is on a path to high-tech feudalism, but there’s still time to change
course.
“We are the modern equivalent of the ancient city-states
of Athens and Sparta. California has the ideas of Athens and the power of
Sparta,” declared then-governor
Arnold Schwarzenegger in 2007. “Not only can we lead California into the future
. . . we can show the nation and the world how to get there.” When a movie star
who once played Hercules says so who’s to disagree? The idea of California as a
model, of course, precedes the former governor’s tenure. Now the state’s
anti-Trump resistance—in its zeal on matters concerning climate,
technology, gender, or race—believes that it knows how to create a just,
affluent, and enlightened society. “The future depends on us,” Governor Gavin
Newsom said at
his inauguration. “And we will seize this moment.”
In truth, the Golden State is becoming a semi-feudal kingdom, with the
nation’s widest gap between middle and upper incomes—72
percent, compared with the U.S. average of 57 percent—and its highest poverty
rate. Roughly half of America’s homeless live in Los Angeles or San
Francisco, which now has the highest property crime rate among major
cities. California
hasn’t yet become a full-scale dystopia, of course, but it’s heading in a
troubling direction.
This didn’t have to happen. No place on earth has more going for
it than the Golden State. Unlike the East Coast and Midwest, California
benefited from comparatively late industrialization, with an economy based less
on auto manufacturing and steel than on science-based fields like aerospace,
software, and semiconductors. In the mid-twentieth century, the state also
gained from the best aspects of progressive rule, culminating in an elite
public university system, a massive water system reminiscent of the Roman
Empire, and a vast infrastructure network of highways, ports, and bridges. The
state was fortunate, too, in drawing people from around the U.S. and the world.
The eighteenth-century French traveler
J. Hector St. John de Crèvecœur described the American as “this
new man,” and California—innovative, independent, and less bound by tradition
or old prejudice—reflected that insight. Though remnants of this California
still exist, its population is aging, less mobile, and more pessimistic, and
its roads, schools, and universities are in decline.
In the second half of the twentieth century,
California’s remarkably diverse economy spread prosperity from the coast into
the state’s inland regions. Though pockets of severe poverty existed—urban
barrios, south Los Angeles, the rural Central Valley—they were limited in
scope. In fact, growth often
favored suburban and exurban communities, where middle-class families,
including minorities, settled after World War II.
In the last two decades, the state has adopted policies that
undermine the basis for middle-class growth. State energy policies, for
example, have made California’s gas and electricity prices among the steepest
in the country. Since 2011, electricity prices have risen five
times faster than the national average. Meantime, strict
land-use controls have raised housing costs to the nation’s highest, while
taxes—once average, considering California’s urban scale—now exceed
those of virtually every state. At the same time, California’s
economy has shed industrial diversity in favor of dependence on one industry:
Big Tech. Just a decade before, the state’s largest firms included those in the
aerospace, finance, energy, and service industries. Today’s 11 largest
companies hail from the tech sector, while energy firms—excluding Chevron,
which has moved much of its operations to Houston—have
disappeared. Not a single top aerospace firm—the iconic industry of
twentieth-century California—retains its headquarters here.
Though lionized in the press, this tech-oriented economy hasn’t
resulted in that many middle- and high-paying job opportunities for
Californians, particularly outside the Bay Area. Since 2008, notes Chapman
University’s Marshall Toplansky, the state has created five times the number of
low-paying, as opposed to high-wage, jobs. A remarkable 86 percent of new jobs
paid below the median income, while almost half paid under $40,000. Moreover,
California, including Silicon Valley, created fewer high-paying positions than
the national average, and far less than prime competitors like Salt Lake City,
Seattle, or Austin. Los Angeles County features the lowest pay of any of the
nation’s 50 largest counties.
No state advertises its multicultural bona fides
more than California, now a majority-minority state. This is evident at the University
of California, where professors are required to prove their service
to “people of color,” to the state’s high
school curricula, with its new ethnic studies component. Much of
California’s anti-Trump resistance has a racial context. State Attorney General
Xavier Becerra has sued the administration numerous times over immigration
policy while he helps ensure California’s distinction as a sanctuary for
illegal immigrants. So far, more than 1
million illegal residents have received driver’s licenses, and
they qualify for free
health care, too. San Francisco now permits illegal immigrants to vote
in local elections.
Such radical policies may make progressives feel better about
themselves, though they seem less concerned about how these actions affect
everyday people. California’s Latinos and African-Americans have seen good
blue-collar jobs in manufacturing and energy vanish. According to one United
Way study, over half of Latino households can barely pay their
bills. “For Latinos,” notes long-time political consultant Mike
Madrid, “the California Dream is becoming an unattainable fantasy.”
In the past, poorer Californians could count on education to help
them move up. But today’s educators appear more interested in political
indoctrination than results. Among the 50 states, California ranked 49th
in the performance of low-income students. In wealthy San
Francisco, test
scores for black students are the worst of any California
county. Many minority residents, especially African-Americans, are fleeing the
state. In a recent UC Berkeley poll, 58 percent of black expressed interest in
leaving California, a higher percentage than for any racial group, though
approximately 45 percent of Asians and Latinos also considered moving out.
Perhaps the biggest demographic disaster is generational. For
decades, California incubated youth
culture, creating trends like beatniks, hippies, surfers, and Latino
and Asian art, music, and cuisine. The state is a fountainhead of youthful
wokeness and rebellion, but that may prove short-lived as
millennials leave. From 2014 to 2018, notes demographer Wendell Cox, net
domestic out-migration grew from 46,000 to 156,000. The exiles are increasingly
in their family-formation years. In the 2010s, California suffered higher net
declines in virtually every age category under 54, with the biggest rate of
loss coming among the 35-to-44 cohort.
As families with children leave, and international migration slows
to one-third of Texas’s level, the remaining population is rapidly aging. Since
2010, California’s fertility rate has dropped 60 percent, more than the
national average; the state is now aging 50 percent more rapidly than the rest
of the country. A growing number of tech firms and millennials have headed to the Intermountain
West. Low rates of homeownership among younger people play a big
role in this trend, with California millennials forced
to rent, with little chance of buying their own home, while many of the state’s
biggest metros lead
the nation in long-term owners. California is increasingly a greying
refuge for those who bought property when housing was affordable.
After Governor Schwarzenegger morphed into a
progressive environmentalist, climate concerns began driving state policy. His
successors have embraced California “leadership” on climate issues. Jerry Brown recently
told a crowd in China that the rest of the world should follow
California’s example. The state’s top Democrats, like state senate president
pro tem Kevin DeLeon, Los Angeles mayor Eric Garcetti, and billionaire
Democratic presidential candidate Tom Steyer, now compete for
the green mantle.
Their policies have worsened
conditions for many middle- and working-class Californians.
Oblivious to these concerns, Greens ignore practical ideas—nuclear power,
natural gas cars, job creation in affordable areas, home-based work—that could
help reduce emissions without disrupting people’s lives. Ultra-green policies
also work against the state’s proclaimed goal of
building more than 3.5 million new housing units by 2025. In accordance with
its efforts to reduce car use, the state mandates that most growth occurs in
already-crowded coastal areas, where land prices are highest. But in cities
like San Francisco, the cost of building
one unit for a homeless person surpasses $700,000. California’s
inland regions, though experiencing population gains, keep losing state
funding for decrepit
highways in favor of urban-centric, mass transit projects—yet
transit use has stagnated, especially in greater
Los Angeles.
The state, nevertheless, continues its pursuit of policies that
would eliminate all fossil fuels and nuclear power—outpacing national or even
Paris Accord levels and guaranteeing ever-rising energy prices. Mandating
everything from electric
cars to electric homes will only drive more working-class
Californians into “energy poverty.” High energy prices also directly affect the
manufacturing and logistics firms that employ blue-collar workers at decent
wages. Business relocation expert Joe
Vranich notes that industrial firms account for many of the
2,000 employers that left the state this decade. California’s industrial growth
has fallen to the
bottom tier of states; last year, it ranked 44th, with a rate of
growth one-third to one-quarter that of prime competitors like Texas, Virginia,
Arizona, Nevada, and Florida.
Similarly, the high energy prices tend to hit the interior
counties that, besides being poorer, have far less temperate climates. Cities
like Bakersfield,
capital of the state’s once-vibrant oil industry, are particularly hard-hit.
High energy prices will cost the region, northeast of the Los Angeles Basin,
14,000 generally high-paid jobs, even as the state continues to import
oil from Saudi Arabia.
California’s leaders apply climate change to excuse virtually
every failure of state policy. During the California drought, Brown and
his minions blamed the “climate” for the dry period, refusing to take
responsibility for insufficient
water storage that would have helped farmers. When the rains
returned and reservoirs filled, this argument was forgotten, and little effort
has been made to conserve water for next time. Likewise, Newsom and
his supporters in the
media have blamed recent fires on changes in the global
climate, but the disaster had as much to do with green mandates against controlled burns and brush
clearance than anything occurring on a planetary scale. Brown joined
greens and others in
blocking such sensible policies.
Few climate advocates ever seem to ask if their policies actually
help the planet. Indeed, California’s green policy, as one
paper demonstrates, may be increasing total greenhouse-gas
emissions by pushing people and industries to states with less mild climates.
In the past decade, the state ranked 40th in per-capita reductions, and its
global carbon footprint is minimal. Renewable energy may be expensive and
unreliable, but state
policy nevertheless enriches the
green-energy investments of tech
leaders, even when their efforts—like the Google-backed Ivanpah
solar farm—fail to deliver affordable, reliable energy.
It’s not so surprising, given these enthusiasms,
that progressive politicians like Garcetti—who
leads a city with paralyzing traffic congestion, rampant inequality, a huge
rat infestation, and proliferating homeless camps—would rather talk
about becoming chair of the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group.
Reality is asserting itself, though. Tech firms already show signs
of restlessness with the current regulatory regime and appear to be shifting employment
to other states, notably Texas, Tennessee, Nevada, Colorado,
and Arizona.
Economic-modeling firm Emsi estimates
that several states—Idaho, Tennessee, Washington, and Utah—are growing their
tech employment faster than California. The state is losing momentum in
professional and technical services—the largest high-wage sector—and now stands
roughly in the middle of the pack behind other western states such as Texas,
Tennessee, and Florida. And Assembly Bill 5, the state law regulating certain
forms of contract
labor, reclassifies part-time workers. Aimed initially at
ride-sharing giants Uber and Lyft, the
legislation also extends to independent contractors in industries from media to
trucking.
At some point, as even Brown noted,
the ultra-high capital gains returns will fall and, combined with the costs of
an expanding welfare state, could leave the state in fiscal chaos. Big Tech
could stumble, a possibility made more real by the recent
$100 billion drop in the value of privately held “unicorn”
companies, including WeWork. If the tech economy slows, a rift could develop
between two of the state’s biggest forces—unions and the green
establishment—over future levels of taxation. More than two-thirds
of California cities don’t have any funds set aside for retiree
health care and other retirement expenses. The state also confronts $1 trillion
in pension debt, according to former Democratic state senator Joe
Nation. U.S. News & Report ranks California, despite the tech boom,
42nd in fiscal health among the states.
The good news: some Californians are waking up. A
recent PPIC poll found that increasing proportions of
Californians believe that the state is headed in the wrong direction—a figure
that exceeds 55 percent in the inland areas. And voters dislike the
state legislature even more than they dislike Donald Trump.
Newsom’s approval
rating stands at 43 percent, placing him toward the bottom among the
nation’s governors. A conservative-led
campaign to recall him is unlikely to succeed, but surveys
reveal growing opposition
to the new tax hikes proposed by the legislature. There’s a
growing concern about the state’s expanding homeless population.
And a rebellion against the state’s energy policies is already
under way. Recently, 110
cities, with total population exceeding 8 million, have demanded
changes in California’s drive to prevent new natural gas hookups. The state’s
Chamber of Commerce and the three
most prominent ethnic chambers—African-American, Latino, and
Asian-Pacific—have joined this effort.
Californians need less bombast and progressive pretense from their
leaders and more attention to policies that could counteract the economic and
demographic tides threatening the state. On its current course, California
increasingly resembles a model of what the late Taichi Sakaiya called
“high-tech feudalism,” with a small population of wealthy residents and a
growing mass of modern-day serfs. Delusion and preening ultimately have limits,
as more Californians are beginning to recognize. As the 2020s beckon, the time
for the state to change course is now.
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