Monday, November 21, 2011

OBAMA'S BACKDOOR AMNESTY HURTS AMERICAN WORKERS - By Rep. Lamar Smith

NOVEMBER 17, 2011

EVEN WITH SOARING UNEMPLOYMENT, SOARING MEXICAN GANG CRIMES, NARCOMEX ON OUR OPEN & UNDEFENDED BORDERS, OBAMA CONTINUES TO HISPANDER FOR THE ILLEGALS’ VOTES!

OBAMA HAS JUST PUT 2,500 TROOPS IN AUSTRALIA, AND LEAVES OUR BORDER WITH NARCOMEX UNDEFENDED.

OBAMA DOES NOT CARE ABOUT AMERICAN WORKERS. WHAT WAS HIS MESSAGE IN PUTTING A LA RAZA SUPREMACIST, HILDA SOLIS IN AS SEC. OF (ILLEGAL) LABOR???



Smith: Backdoor Amnesty Hurts American Workers

Washington, D.C. – The Obama administration today has moved forward with its plan to implement backdoor amnesty through administrative action.  In August, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) established a working group to begin a case-by-case review of illegal immigrants in removal proceedings and with a final order of removal to determine if those individuals should be removed at the agency’s discretion.  Today’s announcement implements the working group’s recommendations. 

House Judiciary Committee Chairman Lamar Smith (R-Texas) issued the following statement criticizing the Obama administration’s decision to move forward with administrative amnesty.

Chairman Smith:  “The policies put forth today by political appointees at the Department of Homeland Security show that its ‘working group’ is only working for illegal immigrants.  The administration’s decision to move forward with backdoor amnesty could mean jobs, but not for unemployed Americans. This massive administrative amnesty to illegal immigrants could instead allow illegal immigrants to receive work authorization and could put more Americans on the unemployment rolls.  We know that when this administration issues deferred action to illegal immigrants, it routinely grants 90% of them work authorization. 

“How can the Obama administration justify granting work authorization to illegal immigrants when so many American citizens don’t have jobs? Twenty-three million Americans who are unemployed or can’t find full-time work must wonder why this administration puts illegal immigrants ahead of them.  Citizens and legal immigrants should not be forced to compete with illegal workers for scarce jobs. The administration should put the interests of American workers first.”

Background on Administrative Amnesty:  In June, the Director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) issued two memos to agency officials on how to exercise prosecutorial discretion, such as granting deferred action, deciding whom to stop, question, arrest, or detain, and dismissing a removal proceeding.  Following these memos, in August DHS announced that its newly created working group will begin a case-by-case review of illegal immigrants in removal proceedings and with a final order of removal to determine if those individuals should be removed at the agency’s discretion. 

According to the new guidance released today, ICE will start reviewing all incoming and most pending cases before an immigration court.  These changes could allow millions of illegal immigrants to remain in the U.S. without a vote of Congress. In reviewing the cases, DHS political appointees have made clear that many illegal immigrants are not considered “priorities” for removal, including potential DREAM Act beneficiaries, an illegal immigrant who has had a long-term presence in the U.S., has an immediate family member who is a U.S. citizen, and/or has compelling ties to the U.S.  Today’s announcement also states that ICE may administratively close asylum cases where the immigrants makes a joint request to close.  Although it is estimated that a large percentage of asylum applications are fraudulent, these individuals are eligible for work authorization. 

WHITE HOUSE GUEST LIST FOR LA RAZA STATE DINNER

NO PRESIDENT IN HISTORY HAS MET WITH A FOREIGN ANTI-AMERICAN POLITICAL PARTY SUCH AS THE MEXICAN FASCIST PARTY of LA RAZA MORE THAN BARACK OBAMA!
NOT ONLY DOES OBAMA HISPANDER AND COURT LA RAZA, HE USES OUR TAX DOLLARS TO FUND THE LA RAZA SUPREMACY MOVEMENT, PART OF WHICH IS TO GET ILLEGALS REGISTERED TO VOTE FOR OBAMA. THIS IS WHY THE DEMS ARE FIGHTING I.D.s TO VOTE. GETTING LA RAZA INTO OUR VOTING BOOTHS LIKE THEY DO OUR JOBS!
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ARE THE PARTY OF LA RAZA SUPREMACY – TO KEEP THEIR WALL ST PAYMASTERS HAPPY AND GENEROU$, THEY MUST KEEP WAGES DEPRESSED WITH HORDES OF ILLEGALS CLIMBING OUR BORDERS AND JOBS.
NO ADMIN IN HISTORY HAS BEEN AS INFESTED WITH LA RAZA SUPREMACIST PARTY MEMBERS THAN BARACK OBAMA’S !
WE ARE HIS “ENEMIES”!
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OBAMA HAS NOW SUED FOUR (4) STATES ON BEHALF OF HIS LA RAZA PARTY BASE.
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“PUNISH OUR ENEMIES”… does that mean assault the legals of Arizona that must fend off the Mexican invasion, occupation, growing criminal and welfare state, as well as Mex Drug cartels???

Friends of ALIPAC,

Each day new reports come in from across the nation that our movement is surging and more incumbents, mostly Democrats, are about to fall on Election Day. Obama's approval ratings are falling to new lows as he makes highly inappropriate statements to Spanish language audiences asking illegal alien supporters to help him "punish our enemies."
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OBAMA’S LA RAZA STATE DINNER INVITATION LIST – A GROUP OF LA RAZA’S EAGER TO VOTE FOR OBAMA AGAIN:
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206 Most wanted criminals in Los Angeles. Out of 206 criminals--183 are hispanic---171 of those are wanted for Murder.

Why do Americans still protect the illegals??
TEN MOST WANTED CRIMINALS IN CALIFORNIA ARE MEXICANS!

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SPOT LIGHT ON OBAMA’S CECILIA MUNOZ, LA RAZA SUPREMACY OPERATING FROM THE WHITE HOUSE AND PAID BY AMERICAN TAXPAYERS
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THIS LA RAZA SUPREMACIST NOW WORKS IN THE WHITE HOUSE!
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Cecilia Munoz - Vice President, National Council of LaRaza Ms. Munoz said that LaRaza opposes S. 1814 and "continues to side with the experts in government and in the private sector who have studied and found that there is still no shortage of work-authorized farmworkers, but a shortage of decent jobs and decent pay.
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CECILIA MUNOZ - FORMERLY OF THE 'TAN KLAN' LA RAZA SUPREMACY MOVEMENT

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RADICAL MEXICAN RECONQUISTA ZEALOT MUNOZ SPEAKING AT SOIREE THROWN BY THE MISERABLE ADL
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SPOT LIGHT ON OBAMA’S CECILIA MUNOZ, LA RAZA SUPREMACY OPERATING FROM THE WHITE HOUSE AND PAID BY AMERICAN TAXPAYERS

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YOU VOTED FOR A LA RAZA DEM THAT IS WORKS FOR THE SURRENDER OF THIS NATION TO MEXICO!

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http://www.mexica-movement.org/ They claim all of North America for Mexico!

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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Monday, February 11, 2008

In California, League of United Latin American Citizens has adopted a resolution to declare "California Del Norte" a sanctuary zone for immigrants. The declaration urges the Mexican government to invoke its rights under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo "to seek third‑nation neutral arbitration of disputes concerning immigration laws and their enforcement." We’ll have the story.
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“Through love of having children, we are going to take over.”  AUGUSTIN CEBADA, BROWN BERETS, THE LA RAZA FASCIST PARTY
http://www.aztlan.net/anchor_baby_power.htm

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“A recent Pew poll indicated that a very large percentage of Americans of Mexican descent regard themselves as Mexicans. Not Mexican-Americans, not American-Mexicans. Just Mexicans.”

“In Mexico, a recent Zogby poll declared that the vast majority of Mexican citizens hate Americans. [22.2] Mexico is a country saturated with racism, yet in denial, having never endured the social development of a Civil Rights movement like in the US--Blacks are harshly treated while foreign Whites are often seen as the enemy. [22.3] In fact, racism as workplace discrimination can be seen across the US anywhere the illegal alien Latino works--the vast majority of the workforce is usually strictly Latino, excluding Blacks, Whites, Asians, and others.”
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Cecilia Munoz - Formerly of the 'Tan Klan'
Now works in Intra-government Affairs for the White House

Radical Mexican Reconquista zealot Munoz speaking at a soiree thown by the miserable ADL.
From the New York Times - October 22, 2000
...Cecilia Munoz, a vice president for policy at the National Council of La Raza [aka the Tan Klan], a Hispanic civil rights organization, described the national anti-immigration groups as "hate groups." She noted that Glenn Spencer, the leader of Voices of Citizens Together [now known as American Patrol] who spoke at Sachem's rally last weekend, believes that Mexicans on both sides of the border are plotting to reconquer parts of the Southwest. "He makes contentions that are ugly and very divisive," she said. "Not the kinds of things that bring people together, as is clearly needed in Farmingville right now."
 San Francisco Chronicle - July 8, 1997
...Others, however, are ecstatic about [Spencer] Abraham's rise, which they see as an admission by the GOP that it has gone too far on immigration -- with potentially disastrous consequences at the ballot box. "The Republican Party has acknowledged that they are perceived as being anti-immigrant, and suffered in most recent elections as a result of that,'' said Cecilia Munoz of the National Council of La Raza. "Abraham represents a branch of the party very different from the folks who have been calling the shots over the past several years.''
 Senate Judiciary Committee Oversight Hearing on Immigration Policy - April 4, 2001
...Cecilia Munoz, Vice President, National Council of La Raza (NCLR): "The extraordinary growth of our community, which is emerging as a force throughout the U.S., demonstrates the power of the immigration phenomenon and the ways in which the classic American story is being repeated all over the country," said Munoz. (At this point Senator Brownback broke in and said, "Yes, it is beautiful and the numbers are astounding.) However, she continued there are anti-immigrant organizations and movements working today to raise concerns about current waves of immigration. "At their best, these organized movements provoke discussion and debate; at their worst, they promote hatred and bigotry." Munoz then detailed four areas she would like to see the subcommittee address: Read the rest....
 Senate Immigration subcommittee hearing on S. 1814, the AGJOBS Act - May 4, 2001
Cecilia Munoz - Vice President, National Council of LaRaza Ms. Munoz said that LaRaza opposes S. 1814 and "continues to side with the experts in government and in the private sector who have studied and found that there is still no shortage of work-authorized farmworkers, but a shortage of decent jobs and decent pay." Ms. Munoz said the bill would remove what small protections there are for farmworkers in current law and lower their wages. She also said LaRaza opposes the "legalization" provisions of the bill because most farmworkers would be unable to meet the requirements necessary to receive Green Cards. Instead, she proposed allowing illegal agriculture workers to become immediately eligible for permanent legal residency. However, she said LaRaza could not support S. 1814 even with this immediate legalization. She instead encouraged Congress to pass "pro-immigrant" legislation this year, such as an amnesty for illegal aliens in the country before 1986 and restoring the Section 245(i) program, which allows illegal aliens to remain in the country and adjust status by paying a $1,000 fee.
 Online News Hour - PBS - July 17, 2001
GWEN IFILL: Cecilia Munoz, you heard President Fox speak today in Milwaukee. Why is the idea of legalizing illegal immigrants who are already living here making their status legal, why is that a good idea?
CECILIA MUNOZ: Well, because we know there are significant numbers of people living and working and paying taxes in the United States, raising their families here. They're clearly needed in our economy. It makes sense to bring them out of the shadows and give them full access to their rights. It's a longstanding community. It's a sizable community. It's a community whose employers tell us they want them to be able to stay permanently. It's really in our best interest to make sure that we bring them out of the shadows.
 Amnesty, in English - Mark Krikorian
Munoz Lies
...Other amnesty supporters have gone farther, challenging the very concept of amnesty and seeking to legitimize illegal immigration. Rep. Luis Gutierrez (D., Ill.), for instance, rejects the concept altogether: "Amnesty - there's an implication that somehow you did something wrong and you need to be forgiven." Cecilia Munoz of the National Council of La Raza makes the same point in a more sophisticated fashion; the word "conveys a sense of forgiving someone for a crime," she says, when in fact, crossing the border illegally is a civil offense, not a criminal one. A quick look at Title 8, Section 1325 of the U.S. Code shows this to be false: Illegal entry into the United States is a misdemeanor on the first offense, and a felony afterward.
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Latest News on this Rabid Mexican Reconquista
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National Association of Former Border Patrol Officers -- March 29, 2010         
Latest NAFBPO update from south of the border  
The exclusion of some 11 million [illegal aliens.... criminals] from the new medical insurance provisions will be resolved with immigration reform [aka amnesty], assured the Director of Intergovernmental Affairs at the White House, Cecilia Munoz. In a teleconference, Munoz indicated that Congress lacks sufficient votes to include the [illegal aliens] in the benefits of the health care reform passed by President Barack Obama...
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Chicago Tribune -- March 12, 2010     
Reconquistas Muñoz, Solis present at Obama sovereignty sellout session  
...Obama was joined at the meeting [about a push to amnesty millions of border-hopping job thieves] by Secretary of Labor Hilda Solis, Senior Advisor Valerie Jarrett, Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs Phil Schiliro, and White House Director of Intergovernmental Affairs [and former 'Tan Klan' minion] Cecilia Muñoz...

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The Dustin Inman Society -- Marietta, Ga. -- January 23, 2010     
Wanna see what the open borders lobby is talking about on amnesty in 2010?  
Amnesty, illegal immigration and the Massachusetts election discussed by the now somewhat nervous open borders/anti-enforcement lobby. This is posted on the GALEO site. Thanks Jerry! Cecilia Munoz is a former La Raza goonette and now works in the Obama administration.

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Matthew Vadum -- NewsReal Blog -- November 4, 2009  
Does SEIU boss Andy Stern run America? 
...Stern estimates he visits the White House once a week. SEIU officials talk to senior Obama advisor Nancy-Ann DeParle about healthcare — a top priority for Stern — and to Obama aide Cecilia Munoz [formerly of the 'Tan Klan'] about immigration, Stern said. -- "We get heard," Stern said.... [See Obama Watch]

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Tom Fitton -- Right Side News -- Kennesaw, Georgia -- May 3, 2009   
Open borders put public health at risk  
...Of course none of this comes as any surprise considering that Obama's point person on illegal immigration, Cecilia Munoz, once worked for the ultra-radical National Council of La Raza [aka the Tan Klan], a racist group that is committed to staging a takeover of the American Southwest and returning it to Mexico....
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Tom Fitton -- Judicial Watch -- April 11, 2009  
Obama regime unveils amnesty scheme  
...Obama will frame the new effort - likely to rouse passions on all sides of the highly divisive issue - as "policy reform that controls immigration and makes it an orderly system," said the official, Cecilia Munoz, deputy assistant to the president and director of intergovernmental affairs in the White House [and former Tan Klan stooge].
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New York Times -- April 9, 2009   
Also on Obama's plate: an immigration bill  
While acknowledging that the recession makes the political battle more difficult, President Barack Obama plans to begin addressing America's immigration system this year, including looking for a path for illegal [aliens] to become legal, a senior administration official [former Tan Klan lackey Cecilia Munoz] said Wednesday...
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Detroit News -- March 15, 2009  
Reconquista fanatic is Obama link to states, communities  
Michigan native Cecilia Munoz wasn't used to busy senators calling her personally to ask about Latino concerns, so Barack Obama... quickly stood out. -- "It is rare for someone in the U.S. Senate to call you up on the spur of the moment for help in something he was thinking through," recalls Munoz, who was then a top Capitol Hill lobbyist for the NCLR (ak the 'Tan Klan').
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O Jornal -- Fall River, Massachusetts -- January 30, 2009  
Amnesty likely to happen this fall   
...Paco [Fabian], communications director for America's Voice, which is for common-sense immigration reform [aka amnesty], believes that those appointments [Tan Klan hack Cecilia Munoz and reconquista zealot Hilda Solis] coupled with Sen. Reid's intentions are signs that immigration reform will happen sooner rather than later...
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Media Matters for America -- December 6, 2008  Audio Included 
Limbaugh guest attacks 'amnesty fetishist' Cecilia Muñoz  
On The Rush Limbaugh Show, Mark Davis accused President-elect Barack Obama of choosing an "amnesty fetishist" in his appointment of Cecilia Muñoz, of the National Council of La Raza. But contrary to Davis' suggestion, Muñoz and NCLR's position in support of comprehensive immigration reform is far from radical...
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One News Now -- Tupelo, Mississippi -- December 5, 2008   
Obama picks open-borders advocate for administration  
...Obama has named Cecilia Munoz to serve as director of intergovernmental affairs in his administration. Munoz is an 18-year veteran of the National Council of La Raza, which has been a leading advocate for illegal immigrants. According to Ira Mehlman, a spokesman for FAIR, Munoz has been a longtime supporter of open borders.
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Detroit News -- November 26, 2008   
Obama appoints 'Tan Klan' menace to White House post 
President-elect Barack Obama selected Detroit-native Cecilia Muñoz as the White House director of intergovernmental affairs, the Obama transition office announced Wednesday. -- Muñoz... is currently a senior vice president at the National Council of La Raza, where she supervises legislative and advocacy work...

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MEXICAN GANGS - OBAMA'S LA RAZA PARTY BASE!

Heather Mac Donald
The Immigrant Gang Plague
Hispanic gang violence is spreading across the country, the sign of a new underclass in the making.
Summer 2004
Before immigration optimists issue another rosy prognosis for America’s multicultural future, they might visit Belmont High School in Los Angeles’s overwhelmingly Hispanic, gang-ridden Rampart district. “Upward and onward” is not a phrase that comes to mind when speaking to the first- and second-generation immigrant teens milling around the school this January.
“Most of the people I used to hang out with when I first came to the school have dropped out,” observes Jackie, a vivacious illegal alien from Guatemala. “Others got kicked out or got into drugs. Five graduated, and four home girls got pregnant.”
Certainly, none of the older teens I met outside Belmont was on track to graduate. Jackie herself flunked ninth grade (“I used to ditch a lot,” she explains) and never caught up. She is now pursuing a General Equivalency Diploma—a watered-down certificate for dropouts or expelled students—in the school’s “adult” division. Vanessa, who sports a tiny horseshoe protruding from her nostrils, is applying to the adult division, too, having been kicked out of Belmont at age 18. “I didn’t come to school very often,” says this American-born child of illegal aliens from El Salvador. Her boyfriend, Albert, a dashing 19-year-old with long, slicked-back hair, got expelled for truancy but has talked his way back into the regular high school. “I have good manipulative skills,” he smiles. After a robbery conviction, Albert was put on probation but broke every rule in the book: “Curfews, grades, attendance, missed court days,” he boasts. “But they still let me off the hook.”
These Belmont teens are no aberration. Hispanic youths, whether recent arrivals or birthright American citizens, are developing an underclass culture. (By “Hispanic” here, I mean the population originating in Latin America—above all, in Mexico—as distinct from America’s much smaller Puerto Rican and Dominican communities of Caribbean descent, which have themselves long shown elevated crime and welfare rates.) Hispanic school dropout rates and teen birthrates are now the highest in the nation. Gang crime is exploding nationally—rising 50 percent from 1999 to 2002—driven by the march of Hispanic immigration east and north across the country. Most worrisome, underclass indicators like crime and single parenthood do not improve over successive generations of Hispanics—they worsen.
Debate has recently heated up over whether Mexican immigration—unique in its scale and in other important ways—will defeat the American tradition of assimilation. The rise of underclass behavior among the progeny of Mexicans and other Central Americans must be part of that debate. There may be assimilation going on, but a significant portion of it is assimilation downward to the worst elements of American life. To be sure, most Hispanics are hardworking, law-abiding residents; they have reclaimed squalid neighborhoods in South Central Los Angeles and elsewhere. Among the dozens of Hispanic youths I interviewed, several expressed gratitude for the United States, a sentiment that would be hard to find among the ordinary run of teenagers. But given the magnitude of present immigration levels, if only a portion of those from south of the border goes bad, the costs to society will be enormous.
The Soledad Enrichment Action Charter School in South Central Los Angeles is at the vortex of L.A.’s gang culture. Next door to a rose-colored, angel-bedecked church, the boxy school glowers behind barred gates like those that surround prisons. Soledad’s students, about half blacks and half Hispanics, have been kicked out of other schools. They have brought violence with them. In early March, a gunman opened fire on 20 students entering the school at 7:30 am, wounding two. Tensions were high again as school let out one day this April. A boy had been sent home earlier for fighting; the question now was, would he return to retaliate? The school’s probation officer radioed the LAPD’s 77th Division to plead for some officers to keep watch, without success. As the students, dressed in plain white T-shirts, filed out to the sidewalk, two burly security guards and a gang counselor warily eyed the street.
Asked about gangs, the teens proudly reel off their affiliations: SOK (Still Out Killing); HTO (Hispanics Taking Over); JMC (Just Mobbing Crazy). A cocky American-born child of Salvadoran parents says that most of his peers from the eighth grade are “locked up or dead.” “Four are dead—three were shot, one was run over.” Were you just lucky? I ask. “They were gangbanging more than me,” says the 17-year-old, who won’t give his name. “I try to control myself, respect my parents.” That respect only goes so far. Asked if he’s been in jail, he swaggers: “Yup, for GTA”—grand theft auto. And he has no intention of leaving his gang: “They’re the homeys, part of the family.”
Eighteen-year-old Eric, born here to an illegal Mexican and Guatemalan, is one of the few students I talked to who doesn’t gangbang, though he is on probation for second-degree robbery, his second conviction. Half his friends from elementary school are involved in crime, he says. Of course, gang problems in Los Angeles schools are hardly confined to academies for delinquents like Soledad. Gang fights in some of L.A.’s regular high schools draw such crowds that youthful pickpockets have a field day working the spectators and participants. “People would steal your pagers and cell phones,” reports one student who has bounced through several schools.
David O’Connell, pastor of the church next door to Soledad, has been fighting L.A.’s gang culture for over a decade. He rues the “ferocious stuff” that is currently coming out of Central America, sounding weary and pessimistic. But “what’s more frightening,” he says, “is the disengagement from adults.” Hispanic children feel that they have to deal with problems themselves, apart from their parents, according to O’Connell, and they “do so in violent ways.” The adults, for their part, start to fear young people, including their own children.
The pull to a culture of violence among Hispanic children begins earlier and earlier, O’Connell says. Researchers and youth workers across the country confirm his observation. In Chicago, gangs start recruiting kids at age nine, according to criminologists studying policing and social trends in the Windy City. The Chicago Community Policing Evaluation Consortium concluded that gangs have become fully integrated into Hispanic youth culture; even children not in gangs emulate their attitudes, dress, and self-presentation. The result is a community in thrall. Non-affiliated children fear traveling into unknown neighborhoods and sometimes drop out of school for lack of protection. Adults are just as scared. They may know who has been spray-painting their garage, for example, but won’t tell the police for fear that their car will be torched in retaliation. “It’s like we’re in our own little jails that we can’t leave,” said a resident. “There isn’t an uninfested place nearby.”
Washington, D.C., reports the same “ever-younger” phenomenon. “Recruitment is starting early in middle school,” says Lori Kaplan, head of D.C.’s Latin American Youth Center. With early recruitment comes a high school dropout rate of 50 percent. “Gang culture is gaining more recruits than our ability to get kids out,” Kaplan laments. “We can get this kid out, but two or three will take his place.” In May, an 18-year-old member of the Salvadoran Mara Salvatrucha gang used a machete to chop off four left fingers and nearly sever the right hand of a 16-year-old South Side Locos rival in the Washington suburbs.
Ernesto Vega, a 19-year-old Mexican illegal who grew up in New York City, estimates that most 12- to 14-year-old Mexicans and Mexican-Americans in New York are in gangs for protection. “If you’re Mexican, you can’t go to parties by yourself,” he says. “People will ask, ‘Who you down with? Que barrio?’ They be checkin’ you out. But if it’s 20 of you, and 20 of them, then it’s OK.”
For some children, the choice is: get beat up once a week, or get beat up once to enter the gang. Others join for the prestige and sense of belonging. Mario Flores was one of them; he joined Santa Ana, California’s, Westside Compadres. “When I was 13, I was like, ‘Wow.’ I wanted them to jump me,” he says in the soft near-whisper of the cool. “They’re like, ‘You want to get down?’ They got to jumping at you, they go to call you, ‘Trips from Westside Comps’—you feel good.”
Flores (or “Trips”) is a depressing specimen of gang culture: uneducated and barely articulate. He’s sitting on the other side of a Plexiglas window in the Santa Ana Central Jail, talking to me over a phone. In and out of jail with dazzling regularity over the last three years, he most recently left prison on April 14; on April 21, he was arrested again on a rape charge. Born in Portland, Oregon, but raised in Mexico, Flores went to live with cousins in San Bernardino, California, at age 13 and has been traveling the Southern California gang circuit—Riverside County, Santa Ana, East L.A.—ever since. Now 20, he is slender and finely chiseled. Gang hand gestures accompany his speech like hieroglyphics. “When I saw gang members,” he says, pointing first to his eyes, then outward, “they’re like, ‘Are you down with my shit?’ ‘I’m down!’ ” I ask if he speaks English or Spanish with his gang. “You speak Chicano,” he says. “ ‘Hey, homey!’ You mostly talk English, you’ve got some good words. But the way you talk, you don’t talk good. You don’t talk like other people.”
Flores expresses the fierce attachment to territory that is the sine qua non of gang identity. “I was like, ‘I love my neighborhood. If you don’t love my neighborhood, I’m going to fuck you up.’ ” Charles Beck, captain of the LAPD’s Rampart Division, marvels at this emotion. “They all come from identical neighborhoods, identical families, and go to identical schools, and yet they hate each other with a passion.” The territorial instincts can only be compared to the Balkans, says Corporal Kevin Ruiz, a Santa Ana gang investigator. “There’s people who all they do is patrol gang boundaries. They’re like me, in a way: I’m looking for bad guys; they look for rivals.”
“Trips” showed his love for Santa Ana’s Westside Compadres by doing “missions”—robbing bars, stealing wallets and cell phones, selling drugs—to raise money for the gang. “If a big homey told me to fuck someone up, I had to,” he explains. The gang reciprocated by giving him a place to stay—when he was bringing in cash. Otherwise he lived in cars or on the street, sometimes in a hotel.
The chance that Flores will ever become a productive member of society is slight. Routinely kicked out of high school for fighting, he lacks rudimentary skills. Like many prisoners, he claims to be reading the Bible and thanking Jesus, but such prison conversions rarely last. His personal life is troubled: “My lady, she mad at me”—not surprisingly, given his most recent rape charge—and Flores is not certain she will be waiting for him when he gets out of jail. Most likely, Flores will continue contributing to the Hispanicization of prisons in California: in 1970, Hispanics were 12 percent of the state’s population and 16 percent of new prison admits; by 1998, they were 30 percent of the California population, and 42 percent of new admits.
Even as it reaches down to ever-younger recruits, gang culture is growing more lethal. In April, 16-year-old Valentino Arenas drove up to a courthouse in Pomona, California, and shot to death a randomly chosen California Highway Patrol officer, in the hope of gaining entry to Pomona’s 12th Street Gang. The assassination wouldn’t surprise Dennis Farrell, a Nassau County, New York, homicide detective. “We’re amazed at the openness of shootings,” he says. “When we do cases with Hispanic gangs, we often get full statements of admission, almost like they don’t see what’s the big deal.”
The unwritten code that moderated gang violence three or four decades ago has now fallen away. “When I grew up,” says Santa Ana native and gang investigator Kevin Ruiz, “there were rules of engagement: no shooting at churches or at home. Now, no one is immune.” One of Ruiz’s colleagues on the Santa Ana police force, Mona Ruiz (no relation), spent her adolescence in Santa Ana gangs; now she tries to get kids out. “Back then,” she says, “if someone got jumped, you responded with fistfights, not guns. Guns started in the 1980s.” Earlier gangbangers even showed a certain fastidiousness of dress: “Guys used to iron their jeans for two hours,” Mona Ruiz recalls. “Then they wouldn’t sit down” to avoid marring the crease. All that changed when heroin hit, she says.
The constant invasion of illegal aliens is worsening gang violence as well. In Phoenix, Arizona, and surrounding Maricopa County, illegal alien gangs, such as Brown Pride and Wetback Power, are growing more volatile and dangerous, according to Tom Bearup, a former sheriff’s department official and current candidate for sheriff. Even in prison, where they clash with American Hispanics, they are creating a more vicious environment.
Upward mobility to the suburbs doesn’t necessarily break the allure of gang culture. An immigration agent reports that in the middle-class suburbs of southwest Miami, second- and third-generation Hispanic youths are perpetrating home invasions, robberies, battery, drug sales, and rape. Kevin Ruiz knows students at the University of California, Irvine who retain their gang connections. Prosecutors in formerly crime-free Ventura County, California, sought an injunction this May against the Colonia Chiques gang after homicides rocketed up; an affidavit supporting the injunction details how Chiques members terrorize the local hospital whenever one of the gang arrives with a gunshot wound. Federal law enforcement officials in Virginia are tracking with alarm the spread of gang violence from Northern Virginia west into the Shenandoah Valley and south toward Charlottesville, a trend so disturbing that they secured federal funds this May to stanch the mayhem. “This is beyond a regional problem. It is, in fact, a national problem,” said FBI assistant director Michael Mason, head of the bureau’s Washington field office.
Open-borders apologists dismiss the Hispanic crime threat by observing that black crime rates are even higher. True, but irrelevant: the black population is not growing, whereas Hispanic immigration is reaching virtually every part of the country, sometimes radically changing local demographics. With a felony arrest rate up to triple that of whites, Hispanics can dramatically raise community crime levels.
Many cops and youth workers blame the increase in gang appeal on the disintegration of the Hispanic family. The trends are worsening, especially for U.S.-born Hispanics. In California, 67 percent of children of U.S.-born Hispanic parents lived in an intact family in 1990; by 1999, that number had dropped to 56 percent. The percentage of Hispanic children living with a single mother in California rose from 18 percent in 1990 to 29 percent in 1999. Nationally, single-parent households constituted 25 percent of all Hispanic households with minor children in 1980; by 2000, the proportion had jumped to 34 percent.
The trends in teen parenthood—the marker of underclass behavior—will almost certainly affect the crime and gang rate. Hispanics now outrank blacks for teen births; Mexican teens have higher birthrates than Puerto Ricans, previously the most “ghettoized” Hispanic subgroup in terms of welfare use and out-of-wedlock child-rearing. In 2002, there were 83.4 births per 1,000 Hispanic females between ages 15 and 19, compared with 66.6 among blacks, 28.5 among non-Hispanic whites, and 18.3 among Asians. Perhaps these young Hispanic mothers are giving birth as wives? Unlikely. In California, where Latina teens have the highest birthrate of teens in any state, 79 percent of teen births to U.S.-born Latinas in 1999 were to unmarried girls.
According to the many young Hispanics I spoke to, more and more girls are getting pregnant. “This year was the worst for pregnancies,” says Liliana, an American-born senior at Manual Arts High School near downtown Los Angeles. “A lot of girls get abortions; some drop out.” Are girls ashamed when they get pregnant? I wonder. “Not at all,” Liliana responds. Among Hispanic teens, at least, if not among their parents, the stigma of single parenthood has vanished. I asked Jackie, the Guatemalan GED student at L.A.’s Belmont High, if her pregnant friends subsequently got married. She guffawed. George, an 18-year-old of Salvadoran background who was kicked out of Manual Arts six months ago for a vicious fight, estimates that most girls at the school are having sex by age 16.
Mexican and Central American immigration to New York City is of much more recent vintage than in California, but young Mexicans in New York have quickly assimilated to underclass sexual behavior. Nineteen-year-old Ernesto Vega reports that his oldest sister dropped out of school at 17 and got pregnant the next year. “I heard her boyfriend came from Mexico to work, but he wasn’t working. He was on the street.” Ernesto says. Then the boyfriend got arrested, probably on drug charges. “He says he was arrested for doing nothing, but they don’t arrest you for doing nothing.”
Ernesto knows three or four Mexican-American girls with babies, including a 16-year-old with two daughters. “Another just got pregnant this year,” he says. “She’s 15.” None is married. None has a GED or will go to college. As for the fathers of their children? “The boys be leaving the girls alone,” Vega says. “The boy goes away.”
Some Hispanic parents valiantly try to impose old-fashioned consequences on teen pregnancies, but they are losing the battle. Vega’s father, a building superintendent and hardware store clerk, angrily told his pregnant daughter, according to Vega: “You gotta go live with [the boyfriend]. I now want nothing to do with you!” The boyfriend offered to take the girl into the apartment he was sharing with a female acquaintance, but she wanted her own place. Eventually, she persuaded her father to take her back, but only on the condition that she work. She now sells Yankee paraphernalia on the Grand Concourse in the Bronx.
Traditional and contemporary family values continued to clash throughout the pregnancy. Although the boyfriend vanished until the birth, he showed up at Vega’s house with his whole family when the girl returned from the hospital with her newborn. “He took his three sisters and his mother; one sister took the nephews.” Vega recalls. The boyfriend’s demand: you have to decide where to live. The girl told him to take a hike. The family delegation, Vega judges, already adapting to American individualist norms, was inappropriate. “The problem was not with the families,” he says, “but between him and her.”
In one respect, Central American immigrants break the mold of traditional American underclass behavior: they work. Even so, Mexican welfare receipt is twice as high as that of natives, in large part because Mexican-American incomes are so low, and remain low over successive generations. Disturbingly, welfare use actually rises between the second and third generation—to 31 percent of all third-generation Mexican-American households. Illegal Hispanics make liberal use of welfare, too, by putting their American-born children on public assistance: in Orange County, California, nearly twice as many Hispanic welfare cases are for children of illegal aliens as for legal families.
More troublingly, some Hispanics combine work with gangbanging. Gang detectives in Long Island’s Suffolk County know when members of the violent Salvadoran MS-13 gang get off work from their lawn-maintenance or pizzeria jobs, and can follow them to their gang meetings. Mexican gang members in rural Pennsylvania, which saw two gang homicides in late April, also often work in landscaping and construction.
On the final component of underclass behavior—school failure—Hispanics are in a class by themselves. No other group drops out in greater numbers. In Los Angeles, only 48 percent of Hispanic ninth-graders graduate, compared with a 56 percent citywide graduation rate and a 70 percent nationwide rate. In 2000, nearly 30 percent of Hispanics between the ages of 16 and 24 were high school dropouts nationwide, compared with about 13 percent of blacks and about 7 percent of whites.
The constant inflow of barely literate recent Mexican arrivals unquestionably brings down Hispanic education levels. But later American-born generations don’t brighten the picture much. While Mexican-Americans make significant education gains between the first and second generation, adding 3.5 years of schooling, progress stalls in the next generation, economists Jeffrey Grogger and Stephen Trejo have found. Third-generation Mexican-Americans remain three times as likely to drop out of high school than whites and one and a half times as likely to drop out as blacks. They complete college at one-third the rate of whites. Mexican-Americans are assimilating not to the national schooling average, observed the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas this June, but to the dramatically lower “Hispanic average.” In educational outcomes, concluded the bank, “Ethnicity matters.”
No one knows why this is so. Every parent I spoke to said that she wanted her children to do well in school and go to college. Yet the message is often not getting across. “Hispanic parents are the kind of parents that leave it to others,” explains an unwed Salvadoran welfare mother in Santa Ana. “We don’t get that involved.” A news director of a Southern California Spanish radio station expresses frustration at the passivity toward education and upward mobility he sees in his own family. “I tried to knock the ‘Spanglish’ accent out of my niece and get rid of that crap,” he says. “But the mother was completely nihilistic about her child. It’s going to take direct action from Americans to Americanize Hispanics.”
Perhaps the answer to the disconnect between stated parental goals and educational outcomes lies in Hispanic culture’s traditional suspicion of education. Santa Ana police officer Mona Ruiz recounts a joke told by comedian George Lopez: “When a white person graduates, people say, ‘You did good.’ When a Mexican graduates, people say, ‘You think you’re better than us.’ ” The lure of an immediate income often proves more compelling than a four- to eight-year investment in self-improvement. New Yorker Ernesto Vega says he knows “Mexicans with papers” who drop out of high school. “They young. They say, ‘I’m going to start working, I don’t need school.’ ” But Vega has no illusions about the consequences: “Even with papers, you’re only making $300 a week as a delivery boy in restaurants, because you don’t know anything else.”
Proponents of unregulated immigration simply ignore the growing underclass problem among later generations of Hispanics, with its attendant gang involvement and teen pregnancy. When pressed, open-borders advocates dismiss worries about the Hispanic future with their favorite comparison between Mexicans and Italians. Popularized by political analyst Michael Barone in The New Americans, the analogy goes like this: a century ago, Italian immigrants anticipated the Mexican influx, above all in their disregard for education. They dropped out of school in high numbers—yet they eventually prospered and joined the mainstream. Therefore, argue Barone and others, Mexicans will, too.
But the analogy is flawed. To begin with, the magnitude of Mexican immigration renders all historical comparisons irrelevant, as Harvard historian Samuel Huntington argues in his latest book, Who Are We?. In 2000, Mexicans constituted nearly 30 percent of the foreign-born population in the U.S.; the next two largest groups were the Chinese (5 percent) and Filipinos (4 percent). By contrast, at the turn of the twentieth century, the largest immigrant group, Germans, made up only 15 percent of the foreign-born population. In 1910, Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, and Italy, in that order, sent the most migrants to the U.S.; Italians made up only 17 percent of the combined total. English-speakers made up over half the new arrivals; there was no chance that Italian would become the dominant language in any part of the country. By contrast, half of today’s immigrants speak Spanish.
Equally important, the flow of newcomers came to an abrupt halt after World War I and did not resume until 1965. This long pause allowed the country ample opportunity to Americanize the foreign-born and their children. Today, no end is in sight to the migration from Mexico and its neighbors, which continually reinforces Mexican culture in American Hispanic communities and seems likely to do so for decades into the future.
Contemporary Hispanic immigration also differs from the classic Ellis Island model in that the ease of cross-border travel and communication allows Mexican and Central American immigrants to keep at least one foot planted in their native land. Meanwhile, the Mexican government does everything it can to bind Mexican migrants psychologically to the home country, in order to safeguard the annual $12 billion flow of remittances. It encourages dual nationality, and Mexicans in the U.S. can now run for office in Mexico. A Yolo County, California, tomato farmer has already been elected mayor of Jerez. Not surprisingly, Mexicans and other Central Americans have the lowest rates of naturalization of all immigrants—less than 30 percent in 1990, compared with two-thirds of qualified immigrants from major European sending countries, the Philippines, and Hong Kong.
Even Mexico’s former foreign minister, Jorge Castaneda, acknowledges the unprecedented character of Hispanic immigration. “Mexican immigration,” he wrote recently, “does have distinctive traits that do make [assimilation] difficult, if not impossible. This is . . . a matter of history.” That “history” holds that the U.S. robbed Mexico of its natural territory in the nineteenth century, as some Mexican immigrants never seem to forget. “It’s kind of scary,” says Santa Ana gang intervention officer Mona Ruiz. “I hear, ‘I was here first; this used to be Mexico. You stole it from us.’ ” Mexican-American Ruiz is herself called a “traitor” for becoming Americanized.
While proponents of the “reconquista” of “Alta California” (as Mexican nationalists call the lost territory) are a small minority of Hispanic immigrants, a much larger proportion hold on to their Hispanic identities. Few of the American-born students I spoke to in Southern California identified themselves as “American.” Many said they were “Mexican,” “Latino,” or “Mexican-American”—usages encouraged by the multicultural dogma in the schools, a far cry from the Americanization efforts of classrooms a century ago.
Michael Barone’s Italian-Mexican comparison also ignores the differences between the U.S. economies of 1904 and 2004. While Italian dropouts in 1904 could make their way into the middle class by working in the booming manufacturing sector or plying their existing craftsman skills, that is far more difficult today, given the decline of factory jobs and the rise of the knowledge-based economy. As the limited education of Mexican-Americans depresses their wages, their sense of being stuck in an economic backwater breeds resentment. “The second generation becomes angry with America, as they see their fathers faltering,” observes Cesar Barrios, an outreach worker for the Tepeyac Association, a social services agency for Mexicans in New York City. This resentment only increases the lure of underclass culture, with its rebellious rejection of conventional norms, according to Barrios. For this reason, he says, many young Mexicans “prefer to imitate blacks than white people.”
The Spanish-language media, which reaches two-thirds of all Hispanics, reinforces the sense of grievance. Stories about America’s cruelties to immigrants and the country’s shocking failure to legalize illegal aliens dominate news coverage. A billboard for Los Angeles’s Spanish newspaper La Opinión conveys the usual tone: “Justice,” “Abuse,” “Deportation,” and other hot-button topics blare out in massive lettering.
Chicago provides a cautionary tale about high levels of Hispanic immigration combined with an ever more powerful underclass ethic. During the 1990s, the Hispanic population in Chicago grew 38 percent, to 754,000, and became increasingly concentrated in the city’s barrios. Education levels and fluency in English dropped lower and lower, while serious crime, social disorder, and physical decay grew in direct proportion to the number of Spanish-speaking Latinos. After a neighborhood became more than 60 percent Latino, physical decay—including graffiti, trash-filled vacant lots, and abandoned cars—jumped disproportionately. By 2001, social pathology among Spanish-speaking Latinos was higher than for any other racial or ethnic group.
There are many counterexamples that show a salutary effect of Hispanic immigration. Santa Ana, California, at 76 percent Latino the most heavily Spanish-speaking city of its size in the country, has cleaned up the seedy bars from its downtown area and replaced them with palm trees and benches, in large part thanks to a newly created business improvement district. Many homes in Santa Ana’s wealthier Mexican neighborhoods sport exuberant roses and bougainvillea in their front yards, and students I spoke to there wanted to become lawyers, architects, and medical technicians. In predominantly Mexican East Los Angeles, housing prices are soaring along with the rest of the Southern California housing market: a 1928 two-bedroom, one-bath bungalow with a lawn gone to seed was listed at $265,000 this April. And in increasingly Hispanic South Central L.A., tiny bodegas selling milk, diapers, and piñatas are replacing liquor stores.
Yet a seemingly innocuous block in Santa Ana can host five to eight households dedicated to gangbanging or drug sales. A front yard may be relatively trash-free; inside the house, a different matter entirely, says Santa Ana cop Kevin Ruiz. “I’ve been to three houses just this week where they made a mountain of trash in the backyard or changed their baby’s diaper by throwing it over the couch. They don’t use the indoor plumbing, while letting their dogs go to the bathroom on the carpet.” Ruiz drives by the modest tract home where his Mexican father, who worked in Orange County’s farming industry, raised him in the 1950s. A car with a shattered windshield, a trailer, and minivan sit in the backyard, surrounded by piles of junk and a mattress leaning on the garage door. “My mom taught us that even if you’re poor, you should be neat,” he says, shaking his head. Fifty-year-old men are still dressing like chollos (Chicano gangsters), Ruiz says, and fathers are ordering barbers to shave their young sons bald in good gang tradition.
Without prompting, Ruiz brings up the million-dollar question: “I don’t see assimilation,” he says. “They want to hold on [to Hispanic culture].” Ruiz thinks that today’s Mexican immigrant is a “totally different kind of person” from the past. Some come with a chip on their shoulder toward the United States, he says, which they blame for the political and economic failure of their home countries. Rather than aggressively seizing the opportunities available to them, especially in education, they have learned to play the victim card, he thinks. Ruiz advocates a much more aggressive approach. “We need to explain, ‘We’ll help you assimilate up to a certain point, but then you have to take advantage of what’s here.’ ”
Ruiz’s observations will strike anyone who has hired eager Mexican and Central American workers as incredible. I pressed him repeatedly, insisting that Americans see Mexican immigrants as cheerful and hardworking, but he was adamant. “We’re creating an underclass,” he maintained.
Immigration optimists, ever ready to trumpet the benefits of today’s immigration wave, have refused to acknowledge its costs. Foremost among them are skyrocketing gang crime and an expanding underclass. Until the country figures out how to reduce these costs, maintaining the current open-borders regime is folly. We should enforce our immigration laws and select immigrants on skills and likely upward mobility, not success in sneaking across the border.
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MEXICAN CONSULATES - Headquarters For LA RAZA "THE RACE" Fascism

MEXICO NOW HAS ABOUT 50 CONSULATES SPREAD AROUND THE COUNTRY WHICH SERVE AS HEADQUARTERS FOR THE LA RAZA “THE RACE” OCCUPATION.

THESE LA RAZA CONSULATES HAND OUT INFO ON HOW TO ACCESS “FREE” GRINGO-PAIN MEDICAL, OBTAIN WELFARE FOR BIRTHING ILLEGALS IN OUR BORDERS, VOTING FOR LA RAZA ENDORSED CANDIDATES, PUSHING FOR ENDLESS DREAM ACTS SUPREMACY, AND MAKING SURE THE LAWS NEVER APPLY TO LA RAZA!

IN AREAS WHERE THERE ARE NO LA RAZA CONSULATES, THE CONSULATES HAVE ROLLING OFFICES; RVS THAT DRIVE AROUND HANDING OUT THESE PHONY MEX CONSULATE ID.s.

WHILE THESE I.D.s ARE PHONY, IT DOESN’T STOP LA RAZA DONOR BANKS WELLS FARGO (BANKSTER TO THE MEX DRUG CARTELS) AND BANK of AMERICA FROM USING THEM TO OPEN BANK ACCOUNTS FOR ILLEGALS, WHICH IS IN FACT ILLEGAL!

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The consular cards are controversial because the Mexican Consulate doesn’t bother verifying applicants’ identities before issuing them. That’s why the FBI and Department of Justice [3] have determined that the cards are not a reliable form of identification.

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Published on Judicial Watch (http://www.judicialwatch.org)

U.S. County Lets Illegal Aliens Use Mexican ID
By Judicial Watch Blog
Created 26 Oct 2011 - 3:03pm
To slash deportations and arrests for traffic offenses or lacking identification, law enforcement agencies in a major U.S. county are accepting Mexican consular cards—determined by the FBI to be unreliable and highly susceptible to fraud—as valid ID.
The move comes just a few days after an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) union official told Congress that agents have been ordered not to arrest illegal aliens [1]who don’t have criminal convictions, even when they’ve been deported by a judge. Chris Crane, president of a union that represents ICE officers, revealed the mandate while testifying before the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration last week, according to a news report.   
The outrageous federal decree is clearly part of President Obama’s stealth amnesty plan that’s already spared thousands of illegal immigrants from removal and will surely allow many more to remain in the U.S. To further the cause, California’s Sonoma County is officially accepting the fraud-prone Mexican card known as matriculár consular ID to shield illegal aliens from federal authorities.  
A coalition of influential open borders activists requested the move and authorities in the northern California county with a population of about 470,000 came through this week. They announced the new policy at a rowdy pep rally where the county’s assistant sheriff proclaimed; “today is a great day. We’re now going to accept the matriculár consular ID.” The captain of the Santa Rosa Police Department, which also patrols the area, said his officers are being trained to recognize the foreign cards and to spot “counterfeits.”
Both law enforcement officials claim the cards will reduce the number of unlicensed drivers booked [2] into jail for traffic offenses. This, in turn, will lead to fewer deportations from the jail, according to a local newspaper that covered the festive event, which it described as part victorious political rally, part community party and part tent revival.
The consular cards are controversial because the Mexican Consulate doesn’t bother verifying applicants’ identities before issuing them. That’s why the FBI and Department of Justice [3] have determined that the cards are not a reliable form of identification. Additionally, Mexico does not have a centralized database to coordinate the issuance of the cards, allowing multiple IDs to be issued under the same name and address.
Regardless, a handful of communities across the U.S. accept the cards and several more are considering it. In fact, officials in Dayton Ohio are currently exploring the possibility of allowing police to accept the Mexican ID. Last fall Durham South Carolina passed a law making the card official.  When the measure was approved, a local newspaper reported that the cards are so unreliable, they’re rejected [4] by 22 of 32 Mexican states and no bank in Mexico recognizes them.
[4]