A disturbing look at the FBI’s data on race and animal-cruelty offenses.
https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2022/06/americas-black-crime-tidal-wave-how-you.html
But due to a ton of negative black disparities showing up in the data, the mainstream media pursues a policy of silence on the issue, turning it as a result into a taboo topic.
‘These figures are even more glaring when one considers pet-ownership rates. If blacks owned pets at rates double their own population, their cruelty offense-rates would be less of a concern. But this is not the case. White ownership rates have been shown to be double, even triple, that of blacks, meaning the latter’s propensity for animal cruelty is actually far higher than what’s showing in the FBI’s figures.
BLACK LIVES MURDER
THE BLACK SUBCULTURE OF VIOLENCE
https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2022/05/black-lives-murder-most-violent.html
Four BLACK teens will be tried as adults on
second-degree murder charges in New Orleans
after prosecutors said they carjacked 73-year-
d grandmother Linda Frickley and dragged her
down the street while she was still attached to
her vehicle until her arm was severed. She died
on the scene moments later, WWL reported.
WINDOW INTO THE DEPRAVED BLACK SUBCULTURE
https://www.city-journal.org/html/window-depraved-culture-14929.html
Heather Mac Donald
Public safety
The Social Order
As for interracial violence generally, blacks disproportionately commit it. Between 2012 and 2015, there were 631,830 violent interracial victimizations, excluding homicide, between blacks
and whites, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics. Blacks, who make up 13 percent of the U.S. population, committed 85.5 percent of those victimizations, or 540,360 felonious assaults on
whites, while whites, 61 percent of the population, committed 14.4 percent, or 91,470 felonious assaults on blacks. Regarding threats to blacks from the police, a police officer is 18.5 times more likely to be killed by a black male than an unarmed black male is to be killed by a police officer.
https://www.city-journal.org/jazmine-barnes-murder?utm_source=City+Journal+Update&utm_campaign=acbb7c6b94-
Anti-cop activist Shaun King says that his involvement in the campaign around the Jazmine Barnes murder was not driven by reports that a white man had killed the seven-year-old girl, who was gunned down in Houston on December 30. According to Barnes’s mother and 15-year-old sister, the white driver of a pickup truck had pulled up next to the family’s car before opening fire. The accusation set off a frenzy of hate-crime allegations and blanket coverage by the New York Times. King offered a $100,000 reward to anyone who located the suspect.
As it turned out, Jazmine Barnes was killed by two black men, who opened fire on her mother’s car because they thought that they were targeting enemies of their gang. King passed along a tip about the real killers to the Houston police, and now says that he merely “internalized the pain of the family and tried to search as if it were my own child who was killed.” Race, in other words, had nothing to do with his activism.
It’s worth remembering, though, the many other black children who have been victims of drive-by shootings without leading King to launch a national crusade.
A sampling: in March 2015, a six-year-old boy was killed in a drive-by shooting on West Florissant Avenue in St. Louis, as Black Lives Matter protesters were converging on the Ferguson, Missouri, Police Department to demand the resignation of the entire department. In August 2015, a nine-year-old girl was killed by a bullet from a drive-by shooting in Ferguson while doing her homework in her bedroom, blocks from the Black Lives Matter rioting thoroughfare. Five children were shot in Cleveland over the 2015 Fourth of July weekend. A seven-year-old boy was killed in Chicago that same weekend by a bullet intended for his father. In Cincinnati, in July 2015, a four-year-old girl was shot in the head and a six-year-old girl was left paralyzed and partially blind from two separate drive-by shootings. In Cleveland, three children five and younger were killed in September 2015, leading the black police chief to break down in tears and ask why the community only protests shootings of blacks when the perpetrator is a cop. In November 2015, a nine-year-old in Chicago was lured into an alley and killed by his father’s gang enemies; the father refused to cooperate with the police. All told, ten children under the age of ten were killed in Baltimore in 2015; twelve victims were between the age of ten and seventeen.
In 2016, a three-year-old girl in Baltimore was partially paralyzed by a drive-by shooting. In Chicago in 2016, two dozen children under the age of 12 were shot in drive-bys, including a three-year-old boy mowed down on Father’s Day 2016 who is now paralyzed for life and a ten-year-old boy shot in August; his pancreas, intestines, kidney, and spleen were torn apart. A Jacksonville 22-month-old was shot to death by a passing car last June. In September, three men killed three-year-old Azalya Anderson in a drive-by in Sacramento, and a week before Christmas in Bridgeport, a 12-year-old boy was shot and killed on his way home from the candy store in a drive-by shooting.
Why did King let these shootings of black children go by without responding as he did to Jazmine Barnes’s murder? Could it be because the perpetrators were black? You could end all white shootings of black children tomorrow and it would have zero effect on the death rate of black children by homicide, because such white-on-black shootings are extremely rare. Moral abominations, like the 2015 Charleston church massacre by white supremacist Dylann Roof, are aberrations that belong to the outermost lunatic fringe of American society. The country’s revulsion at the Charleston carnage was immediate and universal, resulting in a movement to banish the Confederate flag, embraced by Roof as a white supremacist symbol, from official sites.
If Shaun King and other Black Lives Matter activists really want to save black children from the trauma of urban violence, they should put their efforts into rebuilding inner-city culture—above all, by revalorizing a married father as the best gift a mother can give her child. Fantasies about white violence against “black bodies” are a distraction from what is actually happening on American streets.
Heather Mac Donald is the Thomas W. Smith Fellow at the Manhattan Institute, a contributing editor of City Journal, and the author of The War on Cops: How the New Attack on Law and Order Makes Everyone Less Safe and The Diversity Delusion: How Race and Gender Pandering Corrupt the University and Undermine Our Culture.
Walter Williams tackles the elephant in the room on crime
By John Dale Dunn
Dr. Williams is a well known conservative economist and longtime John Olin Chair faculty at George Mason University in eastern Virginia, author of 12 books and syndicated columnist. In the past, he has been substitute host on the Rush Limbaugh radio program. He is almost like family to me, and I have benefited from his essays and books over the years. This past week, I saw and read his essay on disparities in crime rates among races that was picked up by Military in its October 2019 issue. What got Dr. Williams going was the article by Matthew DeLisi of Iowa State U and John Paul Wright of the U of Cincinnati titled "What Criminologists Don't Say and Why."
Dr. Williams confirms that the writers are right about the liberal tilt of criminologists — "If criminologists have the guts to even talk about a race-crime connection, it's behind closed doors and in guarded language. Any discussion about race and crime ... can mean the end of one's professional career."
Dr. Williams points out teen black-on-white predatory behavior — chronicled in detail by many, particularly Colin Flaherty, whose investigative reports appear frequently (more than 100) at American Thinker — cannot be reported, mentioned, or considered by the media, politicians, criminologists, commentators, politicians, even law enforcement people without risking being called racist, the easy epithet used to enforce a ban on talking about the realities of racial disparities in crime and the increasingly violent nature of black violence against whites — the knockout game, polar bear hunting, flash mob violence against people and property.
Referencing the Wright and DeLisi report, Dr. Williams comments on another reality: that the rate of black homicide and armed robbery as well as other violent crimes are as is as much as 15–30 times more than whites, for example, and he points out the silliness of criminologists' claims that mass incarceration rather than criminality has decimated the black community. He favorably quotes Wright and DeLisi when they say, "What they [criminals] did, in reality was to prey on their neighbors."
Dr. Williams returns to a theme he has explored many times before in this essay and commentary when he points out that the black family of the past was two parents and stable, even back to days of slavery, and that the black community was moral and law-abiding. "The strong character of black people is responsible for the great progress made from emancipation to today. ... [T]oday's conduct among black youth wouldn't have been tolerated yesteryear."
My regret is there aren't enough Walter Williams and Thomas Sowell types to engage the nutty attitudes of liberal chatterbox experts.
John Dale Dunn, M.D., J.D. is an emergency physician, sheriff's medical officer and inactive attorney, policy and science adviser to the American Council on Science and Health of NYC and the Heartland Institute of Chicago.
As Crime Soars, Democratic Voters Turn on Left-Wing Prosecutors
Democratic voters are turning on left-wing prosecutors and congressional candidates amid a nationwide crime surge.
Late last month, Maryland voters ousted Baltimore state’s attorney Marilyn Mosby (D.), who backed decarceration and defunding police even as the city’s homicide rate skyrocketed. Mosby was only the latest "reform-minded" prosecutor to get the boot. San Francisco residents removed District Attorney Chesa Boudin (D.) in June after he crusaded against policing and prisons as "failed responses" to crime. Los Angeles County district attorney George Gascón (D.), who has supported "shrinking the size and the role of policing," is on the verge of a recall.
The purge is the latest sign of voters’ dissatisfaction with rising crime. The FBI in 2020 recorded its highest ever single-year increase in homicides. A year later, 12 Democrat-run U.S. cities saw the most murders in their history. The uptick in crime particularly galvanized minority voters in San Francisco, whose neighborhoods were racked with drug overdose deaths, robberies, and murders.
According to former speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, this type of backlash was inevitable.
"People will only be victims for a limited period before they get fed up," he told the Washington Free Beacon.
Progressive prosecutors aren’t the only soft-on-crime figures getting the boot. Across the country, nearly half-a-dozen Democratic candidates lost their elections because of their far-left criminal justice agendas. Texas voters chose moderate Democrat Rep. Henry Cuellar over Squad-backed Jessica Cisneros in a June primary.
Later that month, Illinois voters booted left-wing Rep. Marie Newman (D.) from office and voted against progressive candidate Kina Collins. Ana MarÃa Archila, a favorite of Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D., N.Y.), lost a bid for New York lieutenant governor months after she had said the Empire State needed to "divest resources from police, prosecutors, and jails."
Rather than acknowledging voters' concerns, progressive prosecutors are trying to blame conservatives for their troubles. Boudin decried "right-wing billionaires" who "outspent us three to one" after his recall. But campaign filings show some of the largest donations to Boudin’s recall effort came from wealthy Bay Area Democratic donors.
The left-wing billionaire George Soros has contributed more than $40 million in the past decade to install liberal prosecutors in half of the United States’ largest jurisdictions. Many moved quickly after their election to reverse long standing bail and sentencing guidelines for most low-level offenses, hoping to reduce incarceration.
In a Wall Street Journal op-ed on Monday, Soros defended his reform prosecutor movement, citing a study that he said proves "no connection between the election of reform-minded prosecutors and local crime rates." He blamed a "rise in mental illness" and "gun trafficking" for the crime spike, even as he noted "a pullback in policing in the wake of public criminal-justice reform protests."
But Rafael Mangual, the head of the Manhattan Institute’s Policing and Public Safety Initiative, told the Free Beacon that the study isn’t the silver bullet Soros claims. The authors said they could not "rule out large increases or decreases in any particular type of crime," and did not focus solely on the most radical criminal justice policies. All told, Mangual says the study "doesn’t prove decarceration works."
Rising crime is on the ballot in a number of upcoming elections. State Sen. Alessandra Biaggi is running against DCCC chairman Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney in New York’s 17th district. During the height of racial justice protests in 2020, Biaggi supported efforts to "defund the police" and called police officers "soulless." Recent polls show her trailing Maloney by double digits.
Still, law enforcement groups aren't ready to declare victory over progressive prosecutors yet. Jason Johnson, president of the Law Enforcement Legal Defense Fund, told the Free Beacon the battle against left-wing criminal justice prosecutors and candidates won’t be easily won. In a recent Maryland election, an unknown public defender boosted by nearly $1 million in Soros funding almost unseated a four-term Democratic prosecutor.
"While it is encouraging to see that San Francisco and Baltimore voters have voted to end the tenure of their radical progressive prosecutors, I’m not sure this signals a broad rejection of these policies," Johnson said. "It seems to me that most voters are still unaware of the harmful effects of the decarceration and depolicing movements."
