Friday, July 21, 2023

NETFLEX SCREWS ITS OWN CHILDREN - In the midst of bitter conflict with actors and writers, Netflix reports $8.2 billion in second-quarter revenue

 

In the midst of bitter conflict with actors and writers, Netflix reports $8.2 billion in second-quarter revenue

Along with the major film studios and television networks, Netflix and other streaming services are locked in a bitter conflict with tens of thousands of members of the Writers Guild of America (WGA) and the Screen Actors Guild–American Federation of Television and Radio Artists (SAG-AFTRA).

Disney CEO Bob Iger, worth several hundred million dollars, has called the modest demands of writers and actors “unrealistic” and “disruptive.” An anonymous studio executive told the media that the companies’ plan was to drag the strike out until writers began losing their homes.

On Wednesday, Netflix reported total revenue of $8.2 billion in the second quarter of 2023, with net income of $1.5 billion.

According to CNN Business, the “streaming giant on Wednesday said it added nearly six million paid subscribers during the three months ending in June, bringing its total to more than 238 million globally.” The company reported it has now “launched paid sharing—its effort to get users to stop sharing accounts with others for free—in more than 100 countries, after beginning its broad rollout earlier this year. Netflix said revenue in those regions is now higher than before the service launched, and that ‘sign-ups are already exceeding cancellations.’”

Ted Sarandos, 2016 [Photo by Daniel Benavides / CC BY 2.0]

CNBC observes that in 2022, “Netflix’s valuation dropped by 60% as streaming subscriber growth came to a halt.” However, the company has experienced something of a turnaround in 2023, cracking down on password sharing and selling its ad-supported plan, priced at $6.99 a month. Netflix doesn’t “need a new narrative,” unlike the rest of the media industry, asserts CNBC, because the “old one still works. Streaming is growing. Cash piles are rising. Advertising has investors excited. Netflix has a steady pipeline of international content and a deep library to weather an extended writers and actors strike.”

Co-CEO Ted Sarandos addressed the walkout in Wednesday’s earnings conference call, insisting that the “strike is not an outcome that we wanted.” Sarandos claimed he wanted to be “absolutely clear” about that. “We make deals all the time. We are constantly at the table negotiating with writers, with directors, with actors, and producers, with everyone across the industry,” Sarandos told his listeners. “And we very much hoped to reach an agreement by now.”

In 2022, the company’s top executives received total compensation of some $166 million: co-CEO Reed Hastings, $51.1 million; Sarandos, $50.3 million; Chief Executive Officer and Chief Content Officer, Greg Peters, $28.1 million; CFO Spencer Neumann, $17.1 million; Chief Legal Officer David Hyman, $13.3 million; and Rachel Whitestone, Chief Communications Officer, $7 million.

Netflix shareholders voted June 1 to “reject sky-high executive pay packages,” according to a CNN report. “Netflix’s proposed executive pay packages for 2023 included up to $40 million for Sarandos, including base salary, a performance bonus and stock options. Peters could receive up to $34.6 million. Reed Hastings, who stepped down as Netflix CEO in January and now serves as the company’s executive chairman, would bring home about $3 million for the year.”

The WGA sent a letter to investors prior to the vote encouraging them to oppose the pay packages. “While investors have long taken issue with Netflix’s executive pay, the compensation structure is more egregious against the backdrop of the strike,” wrote WGA West president Meredith Stiehm. If Netflix could afford to spend $166 million in compensation on the six executives in 2022, she argued in her letter, it should also be able to pay the estimated $68 million that writers are seeking in their contract negotiations.

The letter was a toothless protest, little more than a publicity stunt, inadvertently revealing in the process how paltry the union’s demands are. The shareholder vote was non-binding and, as CNN pointed out, Netflix’s board was “able to disregard the results of this ‘say on pay’ vote and approve executive compensation plans in spite of shareholder wishes.” In fact, the board “has already unanimously recommended voting for the pay packages.”

Availability of Netflix, as of March 2022

Meanwhile actors and writers continue to come forward with startling information about the miserable amounts streaming services such as Netflix have been paying in residuals, including for enormously popular series, thanks to the sell-out deal that ended the 2007-2008 strike and subsequent WGA and SAG-AFTRA contracts.

Numerous members of the cast of Netflix’s women’s prison series Orange Is the New Black (2013-2019) told the New Yorker about how poorly they had been paid. Actress Kimiko Glenn recalled receiving a foreign-royalty check in December 2020 for numerous episodes of the series that came to $27.30, each one of the individual episodes having earned her as little as a few pennies. 

Actor Matt McGorry told the New Yorker, “I kept my day job the entire time I was on the show because it paid better than the mega-hit TV show we were on.” Actress Beth Dover explained that “It actually COST me money to be in season 3 and 4 since I was cast local hire and had to fly myself out, etc. But I was so excited for the opportunity to be on a show I loved so I took the hit. Its maddening.”

Sean Gunn told the Hollywood Reporter that he had been “on a television show called Gilmore Girls for a long time that has brought in massive profits for Netflix ... It has been one of their most popular shows for a very long time, over a decade. It gets streamed over and over and over again, and I see almost none of the revenue that comes into that.”

The Hollywood Reporter added, “Though Netflix streams Gilmore Girls, the residuals Gunn is referencing come from Warner Bros. Discovery—the studio that produced and licenses the series to the streamer. Gunn and his co-stars are paid the same regardless of how many people watch the series wherever the studio places it.”

Netflix and Warner Bros. Discovery are hardly the only culprits. Buzzfeed reports that Brock Powell, “a voice actor for popular animation, video games, and anime, shared he only made a ‘grand total’ of $58.49 for 48 episodes of a Disney show produced during the early pandemic. Even more shocking, Brock was once ‘paid’ a negative penny for an entire episode,” i.e., one cent was deducted from a subsequent check.

Actress Heather Matarazzo “responded to a TikTok user who questioned, ‘What are you elites doing for the struggling Americans that contributed to your wealth?’ Her response showed the ‘elite numbers’ of residuals that equaled six to nine cents per episode.” (Buzzfeed)

Sarah Sokolovic (Big Little Lies, Homeland) told Deadline that “the money I made from residuals dropped in 2015 to less than half in 2018. And the funny thing about it was I was on two Emmy-award winning shows. … There was a time when I was traveling out of the country, so I had to have my mail forwarded to my mother. She was helping me with deposits, physical checks at the time. She opens a check and she goes, ‘Sarah, it’s three cents’. I said yes. She said it actually costs more to mail it.’”

Known for his performance in Fargo among others, actor John Carroll Lynch told Deadline that he had “noticed that anything I do for streaming is not even one-tenth of the residual stream that I got for something terrible that I did. I certainly got paid more for an episode of The Visitor, which is a show I did when I first got here and only lasted one season. I got higher residuals by about 100 percent to what I get when it [was licensed to] Netflix.”

The strike continues.

TWO FACES OF CORRUPTION - What did Biden and the UAW president discuss at the White House?

DO A SEARCH FOR WHAT BARACK OBAMA AND JOE BIDEN DID FOR THE MGMT OF G.M. EVEN AS THE WORKERS GOT THE SHAFT. IT WAS ALL PERPETRATED BY BLACKROCK'S GAMER LAWYER BRIAN DEESE WHO LATER PLAYED A PART IN THE CORRUPT BIDEN REGIME.

REMEMBER, BARACK AND JOE ARE BOUGHT SERVANTS OF WALL STREET. ALWAYS HAS BEEN.


THE OBAMA - BIDEN 'BAILOUT' OF G.M., WHICH COST

WORKERS HALF THEIR WAGES EVEN AS MGMT HAD

MASSIVE BONUSES APPROVED, WAS ORCHESTRATED BY

BLACKROCK'S GAMER LAWYER IN THE BIDEN WHITE

HOUSE BRIAN DEESE. 

BLACKROCK IS BRIBES SUCKER JOE BIDEN'S BIGGEST

BRIBESTER! JUST AS LARRY FINK WHAT THE PIG GAMER

LAWYER JOE BIDEN WILL DO FOR A COIN!

Biden, long known as Delaware’s “senator from DuPont,” Biden served on committees that were most sensitive to the interests of the ruling class, including the Judiciary Committee and the Foreign Relations Committee. He supported the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act in 1999, a milestone in the deregulation of the banks, and other right-wing measures. After nearly four decades in the Senate, Biden became Obama’s vice president, helping to oversee the massive bailout of Wall Street following the 2008 financial crisis and the subsequent restructuring of class relations to benefit the rich. That included the bailout of General Motors and Chrysler, based on a 50 percent cut in the pay of all newly hired autoworkers.

 

What was Biden so intent on discussing with Fain face-to-face? While no transcript was released, it does not require much imagination to glean the essential content. A highly experienced political representative of big business, Biden is intensely focused on the suppression of the class struggle, with the assistance of the union bureaucracies, in order to 1) defend the profit interests of the corporations and 2) ensure that the war against Russia and preparations for war against China are not disrupted.

What did Biden and the UAW president discuss at the White House?

Joe Biden and United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain. [AP Photo/Joe Lamberti/Mike Householder]

On Wednesday, US President Joe Biden held a closed-door meeting with United Auto Workers (UAW) President Shawn Fain in the West Wing of the White House, with less than two months to go until contracts expire for 170,000 workers at Ford, General Motors and Stellantis in the US and Canada.

Fain had initially requested to meet with senior White House officials while in Washington, but when Biden learned of the request, he asked to speak with the UAW president privately, administration officials told the media.

What was Biden so intent on discussing with Fain face-to-face? While no transcript was released, it does not require much imagination to glean the essential content. A highly experienced political representative of big business, Biden is intensely focused on the suppression of the class struggle, with the assistance of the union bureaucracies, in order to 1) defend the profit interests of the corporations and 2) ensure that the war against Russia and preparations for war against China are not disrupted.

A central question posed by Biden to Fain would have been along the lines of, “Shawn, do you have the situation under control?”

Anger is near the boiling point among autoworkers and other sections of the working class in the US and Canada. Walkouts in recent weeks have encompassed multiple industries, including tens of thousands of actors and screenwriters, 1,400 Wabtec locomotive manufacturing workers in Pennsylvania, and 1,400 National Steel Car railcar production workers in Ontario. A strike by 7,400 dockworkers in British Columbia was relaunched Tuesday, only to be shut down again within hours by the ILWU after being declared “illegal” by Liberal Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s labour minister.

With strike deadlines for 20,000 Yellow trucking workers on Monday and more than 300,000 UPS workers on July 31, the potential exists for a dramatic expansion of strike activity to levels not seen for decades.

The possible emergence of a powerful and militant struggle by autoworkers, in both the US and Canada, cannot help but produce extreme nervousness in the White House, since it has the potential to rapidly galvanize a far broader movement of the working class and upend Washington’s war efforts in Ukraine and elsewhere.

The auto industry is undergoing a rapid transformation. According to the UAW’s carefully crafted, vague account of Wednesday’s meeting, given to Politico by Communications Director Jonah Furman—a former Labor Notes staff writer and member of the pseudo-left Democratic Socialists of America—Fain asked for Biden’s support in the contract talks and for “stronger labor provisions” in the White House’s tax incentives and other corporate handouts in relation to electronic vehicle (EV) production.

The corporations are hoping to shed tens if not hundreds of thousands of jobs as part of the transition to EV, while also establishing even lower-paid tiers and more precarious working conditions. At the same time, control of EV supply chains is viewed by Washington as critical to its plans for global supremacy and its preparations for war with China.

If Fain asked for Biden’s support, however, it is not on behalf the 1.1 million active and retired autoworkers in the UAW that he is making the request. Rather, he is seeking the White House’s support for the UAW bureaucracy’s own privileged interests. Fain and the UAW officialdom—who know they are widely viewed as corrupt by autoworkers both in the UAW and outside it—want assurances that Biden will use his powers to all but mandate the presence of the UAW at the automakers’ new EV plants, ensuring an expanded flow of dues to the apparatus from impoverished workers.

Shortly before his assassination by a Stalinist agent in 1940, Leon Trotsky, the great Marxist revolutionary, wrote with immense incisiveness and at a far earlier stage of the process: “There is one common feature in the development, or more correctly the degeneration, of modern trade union organizations in the entire world: it is their drawing closely to and growing together with the state power.”

In the present, Biden, the self-described “most pro-union president in history,” has sought to even more tightly integrate the union bureaucracies with the state. The administration has relied on the bureaucracies to control and suppress a series of struggles that threaten the foreign policy aims of US imperialism.

The upper-middle class bureaucrats who control the unions, for their part, are returning the embrace of the state. Fain’s talks with Biden Wednesday were part of a blitz of meetings with virtually the entire Democratic Party Congressional leadership and other high-level administration officials. The UAW president met with White House Chief of Staff Jeff Zients; National Economic Council Director Lael Brainard, and Gene Sperling, a senior economic adviser and Biden’s point person in the Big Three contract talks. Sperling, a longtime Democratic Party corporate hatchet man, was on the Obama-Biden administration’s Auto Task Force, overseeing the historic job and wage cuts imposed, with the support of the UAW, in the 2009 restructuring of the auto industry.

These capitalist politicians, who will be falsely hailed as “allies” by the UAW, are, in fact, vicious enemies of the working class, as most clearly shown in their role in banning a strike by 110,000 railroad workers last year and imposing a contract workers opposed.

The intervention of the White House already in the Big Three autoworkers’ fight is a demonstration that workers face not merely a struggle over a contract, but a political struggle against the capitalist state.

Among Biden’s concerns is that the Fain administration is viewed by autoworkers, correctly, as illegitimate. The UAW’s national elections last year were characterized by widespread and deliberate suppression of the vote by the UAW bureaucracy, as detailed in a series of official challenges by Will Lehman, a rank-and-file worker and socialist who ran for UAW president. The bureaucracy refused to update its membership database with workers’ current addresses and contact information, resulting in a turnout of just 9 percent and more ballots being returned as “undeliverable” than were actually counted.

A lawsuit by Lehman last November calling for an emergency extension of voting deadlines was opposed by Biden’s Department of Labor. A subsequent complaint filed by Lehman with the UAW “monitor”—itself comprised of corporate law firms closely tied to GM and other automakers—was also rejected, and an appeal to the Department of Labor (DOL) was denied without explanation. Lehman has sued the DOL, demanding that the elections be re-run.

If there is one sentiment that both Biden and Fain shared as they huddled together in the White House, it is fear. The ruling class and its toadies in the union apparatus are terrified of the powerful growth of the class struggle, which is beginning to break free from the stranglehold of the apparatus itself.

To unite the struggles of all sections of the working class and prevent their sabotage by the union bureaucracies, workers require structures that are controlled and led by them—rank-and-file factory and workplace committees. The International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees (IWA-RFC) is working to assist workers in establishing such committees throughout every industry, in the US and in other countries.

As the Autoworkers Rank-and-File Committee Network—a growing collection of committees affiliated with the IWA-RFC in the auto industry—wrote in a statement on July 9, “Any strategy based on ‘pressuring’ corporate management and their representatives in the Democratic and Republican Parties has again and again proved disastrous for the working class… Autoworkers will win this fight, not through appeals to company executives and big business politicians, but by means of hard and uncompromising class struggle.” Workers wishing to join this struggle should contact the WSWS to get involved with a rank-and-file committee today.


“They’re trying to strip us of our right to our livelihoods”: Ford Kentucky Truck workers denounce Biden intervention into auto talks

To discuss joining the autoworkers rank-and-file committee network, fill out the form at the end of this article. Sign up for text message updates on the Big Three contract fight by texting AUTO to (866) 847-1086.

Workers at the Ford Kentucky Truck Plant in Louisville, Kentucky, spoke out against the Biden administration’s intervention into their contract struggle and vowed to take up a “tooth-and-nail fight” against the Dearborn, Michigan-based auto corporation this summer. 

Autoworkers at the Ford Kentucky Truck Plant in Louisville, Kentucky.

Contracts for 170,000 autoworkers in North America, including 57,000 Ford workers in the US and another 4,100 in Canada, expire in mid-September. Louisville is a major manufacturing hub for Ford, with 8,700 workers producing heavy-duty pickup and large sports utility trucks at the Kentucky Truck Plant (KTP) and another 3,200 making SUVs at the nearby Louisville Assembly Plant.

A team of WSWS Autoworker Newsletter supporters distributed hundreds of copies of the statement, “What autoworkers need to win the 2023 Big Three contract battle,” issued by the Autoworkers Rank-and-File Committee Network to KTP workers on Thursday and spoke with them about the issues in their struggle. 

The day before, UAW President Shawn Fain held a closed-door meeting with US President Joe Biden in the White House. Biden, who intervened to block a strike by 110,000 railroad workers last year, is relying on the United Auto Workers bureaucracy to suppress workers’ resistance to the massive job and wage cuts, which the automakers are planning to finance their transition to electric vehicles. For its part, the UAW bureaucracy is seeking the support of the White House to protect its own self-interests as it oversees the drastic reduction of jobs and living standards in the industry. 

“We need a higher wage and more respect,” a veteran worker said. “It’s a billion-dollar corporation, and we are not respected. We’re not robots, we’re humans. We got cartilage, bones, ligaments. … Call us by name, instead of looking at us as a number. I don’t want to strike, but if we have to, so be it. I want to win. I don’t want to be national headline news; I want to be the news that got the job done. If we are going to strike, give us what we want.”

Ask if he heard that the UAW met with President Biden, one veteran worker asked, “And what was the topic of discussion?” Told that Biden intervened to block a strike by railroad workers, he said, “Yes, I remember. That’s what they are trying to implement with us. … They’re trying to strip us of our right to our livelihoods.” 

Another worker asked, “Why would Biden meet with the UAW president? It’s none of his business. We saw what he did to the railroad workers, and we don’t like it. I want to know what’s being discussed between the UAW, Biden and the companies. It should be public knowledge. This is our lives.”

An older worker added, “Biden getting involved with this stuff, I don’t think it’s his business. Fain went to the White House! Biden appointed an administrator to watch over negotiations. Why is he getting involved in our business?”

Workers were also distrustful of the claims by Fain and his supporters that the UAW is prepared to wage a historic struggle against its “corporate enemies” even though the UAW bureaucracy, including Fain himself, has been in bed with them for decades. 

WSWS campaigners speak with Ford workers on July 20, 2023. [Photo: WSWS]

“We need information, instead of just sitting here waiting for a strike,” a young worker said, before expressing skepticism in Fain’s claims that the UAW apparatus had been reformed. “The union is a scam. The UAW presidents who signed the last two contracts were thrown in jail, including Dennis Williams who had a house built for him in Black Lake with our dues money. The union keeps bringing back these contract ‘highlights’ and never shows us what they really agreed to. Then they announce contracts have been passed by rigging the election.”

Another worker said, “The union doesn’t represent us anymore. They’re going to try and ram through another sellout.”

Several workers also commented about the bogus UAW election, which installed Fain with about 3 percent of the members’ votes. By failing to inform members about the election or updating mailing addresses, the UAW apparatus deliberately suppressed the turnout, leading to the lowest participation in any union election in history. This was detailed by Will Lehman, a rank-and-file worker and socialist candidate for UAW president last year, in his lawsuit against the Biden administration’s Department of Labor, which upheld the sham election. 

Will Lehman, who visited KTP in the summer of 2022, won a significant vote from workers who were attracted to his call for the abolition of the UAW apparatus and the transfer of power to workers on the shopfloor through the formation of rank-and-file committees. 

Will Lehman (left) speaking to Ford Kentucky Truck workers in August 2022. [Photo: WSWS]

One worker who voted for Will said, “The rank and file have to take control. I come for a long line of union households; my dad worked at Harvester. I’ve seen what the union was and what it has become. They say we got you paid holidays. I say that was in 1953-54. What have you done lately? We need wage increases. What once was a good wage no longer is because of inflation. We need pensions for those of us who don’t have it. 

“We have to get together and stand. We’re the ones who control things, if we allow ourselves to be. That means me standing next to you no matter what our differences are, and saying, ‘Hey, we’re doing this for each other, not just for you.’ That’s what we have to do.”

Referring to the strike by actors and writers and the upcoming deadline for 340,000 UPS workers, he said, “We have separate struggles, but we’re united. The ones who created the content need to be treated fairly off of what is being made from that content. We create the vehicles that go out the door and put the money in their pockets.”

His co-worker added, “I often imagine a bunch of rich people playing the Monopoly game with the poor underneath them. When the people at the bottom finally stand up, their game is over.” 

To discuss joining the autoworkers rank-and-file committee network, fill out the form below. Sign up for text message updates on the Big Three contract fight by texting AUTO to (866) 847-1086.+

Autoworkers at General Motors’ CAMI plant in Canada forced to rely on food banks during electric vehicle transition

A shocking recent report by CTV News’s London, Ontario, bureau highlighted the struggles of autoworkers at the General Motor’s CAMI assembly plant in the nearby town of Ingersoll to make ends meet. Workers endure drastically reduced pay due to the transition to electric vehicle (EV) production, and must rely on food banks.

CAMI workers at a strike rally in 2017

“I noticed a co-worker not having lunches at work,” veteran CAMI worker Jessica Swarts told CTV. The family “told me that, unfortunately, they'd been waiting for back-pay for so long that they had no money for groceries. They had utilized food banks to feed their children but there was no money left for groceries.”

The plight of her colleague was not an isolated one. Since the plant was idled in April 2021 when production of the internal combustion Chevy Equinox crossover ended, workers have seen take-home income further diminished as GM moved to re-tool the facility for EV production.

Such has been the hardships experienced by many workers at the plant that Swarts and others created a charity grocery program, called Camily Funds for Food. The crisis facing many CAMI autoworkers and their families has significantly deepened with the transition to EV production, but the downward trajectory began to pick up steam a number of years ago.

Since the union bureaucrats led by now disgraced former president Jerry Dias sabotaged a month-long 2017 strike by inciting Canadian nationalism that divided CAMI workers from their class brothers and sisters producing the Equinox in Mexican plants, the Ingersoll workforce declined by almost one third from 2,800 to 1,900. More intermittent layoffs in the fall of 2019 were followed by a full spring 2020 closure in the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic. Then, in the ensuing months, supply chain difficulties forced even more intermittent layoffs lasting into early 2021.

After the last Equinox rolled off the line in April 2021, all workers were laid off long-term as the $800 million EV retrofit began. The workers then drew on Employment Insurance (EI) premiums with some receiving a period of inferior Supplemental Unemployment Benefit (SUB) ‘top ups’ until partial EV production was ready to start in December of last year.

The re-start initially involved only about 700 workers producing the “build to order” BrightDrop Zevo 600 van for FedEx. Series production plans for the smaller Zevo 400 model were initially scheduled for mid-year but were subsequently bumped back until late 2023. BrightDrop is a wholly owned subsidiary of GM. 

As the re-start got under way, workers who had formerly worked on one of three shifts began alternating, each shift working two weeks and then going on layoff for four weeks. Then in early spring everyone was laid off for another month.

Workers’ Employment Insurance eligibility had already been exhausted during the lengthy retrofit downtime. Some top up payment relief had been available but the hurdles to receive it had caused many workers to go as long as nine weeks without any money at all. Even now, most workers have been laid off throughout July and advised once again to seek employment insurance relief.

With Unifor, GM and the financial press ballyhooing the advent of EV production since the run-up to the last CAMI-Unifor contract in January 2021, the 170,000 autoworkers in all the other operations of the Detroit Three in Canada and the United States who face—or will face—EV retooling programs, would do well to learn the lessons of the CAMI experience as their own contracts come up for renewal this September. 

Today, all the auto corporations are in a furious competition to restructure their operations, slashing costs and shedding jobs, in order to dominate the markets and technologies for electric vehicles. The companies fully intend to fund the transition to EVs while maintaining their gargantuan profits by increasing workers’ exploitation, whether by keeping wages below inflation, lengthening the workday, increasing production quotas or other means. Already, Ford Motor CEO Jim Farley has warned that the production of electric vehicles requires about 40 per cent less workers than the production of the same number of vehicles with an internal combustion engine.

Unifor agreed to the re-opening of the contract at CAMI prematurely in early 2021 in order to lay the groundwork for one of the first major EV refits of a North American assembly plant. The three-year deal expires in January 2024, only months after all other Detroit Three operations in the US and Canada are meant to sign new collective agreements. 

On January 17, 2021, a quickly assembled union Zoom contract ratification meeting amounted to a carefully planned ambush of the CAMI workforce by the local and national union bureaucracies in collaboration with GM management, and Canada’s federal and Ontario governments. Their common goal, which they accomplished through a combination of blackmail, threats, backroom conspiring, and concealment, was to slash GM’s labour costs at the plant so the auto giant could rake in bumper profits as it transitions to the production of electric vehicles.

Workers learned that Unifor had agreed to give GM a free hand to determine staffing levels and working conditions at the plant. The self-serving contract “Highlights” brochure contained no written details on the impact of the proposed deal on work rules, scheduling, downtime layoffs and ultimate staffing levels. In order to stampede the membership toward ratification, Plant Chairman Mike Van Boekel and Unifor Local 88 President Joe Graves painted a dire picture of the ultimate demise of the current operation if the new arrangements were rejected.

There would be no guarantee of final employment or production numbers, they told the workers. There would be significant changes to work rules and job classifications. However, a new “Competitive Operating Agreement” with all the details could not yet be announced. Due to an imminent retooling, much of the plant would be idled but the extent and length of layoffs could not yet be predicted. Team sizes would continue to be reduced, they said. 

Moreover, skilled-trades jobs would ultimately be on the chopping block. The brochure explained, “The parties acknowledged that there were still many unknowns regarding the new operations.” To hedge their bets on final staffing levels, early retirement packages were offered. This would also clear the books of many first tier workers earning the highest pay and benefits. Workers that would be hired after production began to pick up in subsequent years would come in as lower paid second tier workers and temporary part-time employees. Fearing for their jobs and seeing that Unifor was not going to organize a fight for a better deal, workers voted to accept the contract. 

In Canada, the Ford assembly operation in Oakville, Ontario, is slated to begin its $1.8 billion transition to EV production in the second quarter of 2024. Assembly of the internal combustion Ford Edge and Lincoln Nautilus crossovers will end at that time. Almost $600 million of the transition costs will be provided by provincial and federal government handouts. About 3,000 workers will be furloughed for at least six months. EV production is estimated to begin in early 2025. Ford had initially stated that it was hoping to bring back most of its laid off workforce as it projected the manufacture of five EV models. Subsequently, analysts have stated that prediction could be reduced to as few as two models. 

At Stellantis, which has assembly operations in Windsor and Brampton, the company has already launched a buyout campaign of veteran office and shop floor workers across North America in preparation for workforce reductions as a result of EV transition programs. Management plans a new Windsor based $4.9 billion EV battery plant plus a $3.6 billion investment for EV transition at its two assembly plants. Windsor Unifor Local 444 president Dave Cassidy has confirmed that current employment numbers will be reduced after the transition.

Much has been made of plans to build a stand-alone battery production plant in Windsor that could employ up to 2,500 workers by late 2024. Volkswagen has a similar plan for its own battery plant in St. Thomas. Both operations will be supported by billions in provincial and federal subsidies and outright grants. The experience of workers at a new joint GM-LG Ultium Cells plant in Lordstown, Ohio, shows how the auto magnates see such ventures as low-wage profit centers. GM has already recognized the UAW at the Ohio facility. Workers there make only US$16.50 an hour and top out at around $20, $10 an hour less than top pay for full-time, first tier GM workers.

For the first time since 1999, the contracts for autoworkers at the Detroit Three in Canada will expire at the same time as those in the US, presenting an extraordinary opportunity for a powerful, internationally coordinated contract fight. But both the UAW and Unifor act as the junior partners of the auto companies and work to suppress the legitimate demands of their memberships in favour of the profits of the corporations. Both unions have decades of experience in inciting Canadian and American nationalism to pit autoworkers against each other in a race to the bottom in wages and conditions and block a unified struggle of workers across North America, including Mexico, to defeat the auto bosses.

To ensure a clear victory for workers in the coming struggle, autoworkers must form and build at every factory rank-and-file committees acting independently of the nationalist and pro-corporate union bureaucracies. An industry-wide network of such committees will provide the necessary organizational framework for a coordinated, unified fight by all workers for higher wages and decent working conditions and will prepare the ground for an international strike by Ford, GM and Stellantis workers across North America.