Wednesday, December 21, 2011



Holder Cowardly Plays Race Card in Fast and Furious
Posted 12/20/2011 06:53 PM ET
Justice: The attorney general says he and the president get criticized because they're African-American. He once said we need an honest discussion about race. OK, let's talk about him hiding behind his.
Times have changed since the evening of April 7, 1775, when Samuel Johnson said that patriotism was the last refuge of a scoundrel .
In the supposed post-racial era ushered in with the election of President Obama and the appointment of Attorney General Eric Holder, racism has replaced it as the ultimate defense against charges of incompetence and misguided policies.
In an interview with the New York Times published over the weekend, Holder accused those who want to know who authorized the Fast and Furious gun-running operation of being racially motivated.
The 60 congressmen, two senators, two sitting governors, and all the major presidential candidates who have openly called for Holder's resignation are not concerned in his view about how two U.S. agents and hundreds of Mexicans got killed with U.S. guns.
No, according to Holder, they are motivated by the color of Holder's and President Obama's skin.
We feel critics are motivated by the content of Holder's and Obama's character — or lack of it, as demonstrated by this latest and most cowardly defense of an indefensible tragedy.
Whatever happened to the civil discourse President Obama asked for after the shooting of Rep. Gabrielle Giffords?
After fiascoes such as the attempt to try terrorists such as Khalid Sheik Muhammed in civilian courts and the inept prosecution of Guantanamo detainee Ahmed Khalfan Ghailani, the abandonment of the voter intimidation case involving the New Black Panther Party, and the Fast and Furious debacle, it is not surprising that 75 congressmen have signed onto a House resolution calling for a vote of "no confidence."
"This is a way to get at the president because of the way I can be identified with him," Holder said, according to the Times. "Both due to the nature of our relationship and, you know, the fact that we're both African-American."
No, we don't know, but we've heard it all before including how the Tea Party was essentially a racially motivated response to the election of the first African-American president.
Rep. Allen West, R-Fla., an African-American Republican and Tea Party favorite who was elected in the electoral tsunami of 2010 prompted by President Obama's policies, and not his ethnicity, thinks Holder's cry of racism is an attempt to intimidate Holder's critics as it was used to intimidate President Obama's critics.
West says Holder can't logically assign race as a motivation behind the criticisms for his handling of Operation Fast and Furious.
"What Fast and Furious has to do with is misleading the Congress and the American people about what you knew about this program, and if you did not know anything about this program, then who's in charge of the Department of Justice?" West said in remarks to the Daily Caller.
"It has nothing to do with your race — it has everything to do with competence, with your character and with your ability to lead the Department of Justice."
After hiding your incompetence, Mr. Holder, behind a blizzard of obfuscation regarding Fast and Furious, denying any knowledge of it and refusing to take any responsibility for it, you now shamefully hide behind your race.
In a February 2009 speech to Justice Department employees marking Black History Month, Eric Holder said that "in things racial we have always been and I believe continue to be, in too many ways, essentially a nation of cowards" and that "we, as average Americans, simply do not talk enough with each other about race."
Talking about race is one thing, pointing fingers and crying racism is quite another.
We would suggest, Mr. Holder, it is you who are the coward.



Cartels use legitimate trade to launder money, U.S., Mexico say

Fruit, fabric and toys are purchased and then exported south, generating paperwork that gives drug money the appearance of lawful proceeds from a transaction, authorities say.

By Tracy Wilkinson and Ken Ellingwood, Los Angeles Times

December 19, 2011

Faced with new restrictions on the use of U.S. cash in Mexico, drug cartels are using an ingenious scheme to move their ill-gotten dollars south under the guise of legitimate cross-border commerce.

U.S. and Mexican authorities say trade-based money-laundering may be the most clever — and hardest to detect — way in which traffickers are washing and distributing their billion-dollar profits.

FULL COVERAGE: Mexico's drug war

"It's such a great scheme," said an undercover agent with the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, agency. "You could hide dirty money in so much legitimate business, and they do. You can audit their books all day long and all you see is goods being imported and exported."

Here's one way it works: Instead of smuggling the money the old-fashioned way, by simply carrying it south in bags and trucks, teams of money launderers working for cartels use dollars to purchase a commodity, and then export the commodity to Mexico or Colombia. Paperwork is generated that gives a patina of propriety. Drug money is given the appearance of legitimate proceeds from a trade transaction.

By turning their mountain of proceeds into tomatoes, say, or bolts of Chinese fabric shipped and resold in Mexico, cartels accomplish two goals at once: They transfer earnings back home to pay bills and buy new drug supplies while converting dollars to pesos in a transaction relatively easy to explain to authorities.

Long used by Colombian cartels, the scheme is becoming more popular with Mexican traffickers after new efforts here to combat laundering by restricting the use of dollars. Those restrictions, plus proposed limits on cash purchases of big-ticket items such as houses and boats, make it less attractive for traffickers to hold trunks full of U.S. cash.

After many years of using dollars to buy luxury items and pay their suppliers and dealers, cartel capos have suddenly found themselves in need of pesos. Trade-based money-laundering solves that problem.

"It's a better way to conceal proceeds," said Raymond Villanueva, head of an ICE unit that investigates international money-laundering. "It's not going to raise so many flags."

The pioneer in the trade-based technique in Mexico may have been Blanca Cazares, the alleged queen of money-laundering for the multibillion-dollar Sinaloa cartel. Los Angeles County prosecutors indicted her in 2008 on charges of heading a vast operation dedicated to "processing illicit proceeds" for the cartel; a onetime resident of Bell, she remains at large, presumably in Mexico.

Several years ago, U.S. federal investigators allege, Cazares started using the import of silk from Asia to hide and launder drug dollars and turn them into pesos. She'd import bolts and bolts of Asian fabric to the Los Angeles area, investigators say, then export it to Mexico.

Back in Mexico, Cazares would sell the cloth at high prices in pesos in her chain of Chika's boutiques in the drug heartland state of Sinaloa and seven other states, investigators say.

The U.S. government placed her (along with her husband and three adult children) on its "designated kingpin" list, meaning U.S. firms and individuals are barred from doing business with her and her companies.

Although Mexican cartels are only now beginning to regularly employ trade-based laundering, Colombian traffickers perfected the scheme long ago, authorities say.

"The Mexicans are progressing rapidly. They have a fairly robust interaction with the Colombians, so they learn from the Colombians," said a senior U.S. law enforcement official based in Mexico City. "You're going to see them [Mexican cartels] going more and more toward the product [trade-based laundering]. They have to."

Not only is the tactic effective, but it is also difficult to prosecute.

Last year, U.S. federal officials indicted Los Angeles-based Angel Toy Corp., a firm better known for churning out plush teddy bears and Easter bunnies, on money-laundering charges. The company's three top executives were arrested.

According to the indictment and ICE investigators who worked the case, men arrived over the years at the company's downtown workshop toting duffel bags full of cash — wads of $5, $10 and $20 bills that investigators said was money from cocaine sales.

The men would refer to the money as "papers" or "candy" or "tires," with no mention of toys, court documents say.

In the workshops, employees divided the cash into stacks of just under $10,000, the amount at which banks must report the deposit, according to the indictment. Some of the money was sent to Asia to purchase toys, and the toys were shipped to Bogota, Colombia, where they were sold for pesos, court documents say. The pesos in turn were handed over to a broker and eventually delivered to Colombian drug bosses, prosecutors and investigators alleged.

After a long surveillance operation involving undercover informants and bank security tapes, federal agents raided Angel Toy in 2009. Last year, the three company executives and a Colombian toy salesman were indicted in U.S. federal court on charges of "structuring," the practice of dividing and depositing money in sums less than $10,000. Money was deposited in Angel Toy accounts, sometimes several times a day, and clients also made direct deposits into the accounts, but always at less than $10,000 a pop, court documents say.

"The investigation tracked, during a four-year period, over $8 million in cash deposits — not a single one of which was over $10,000," prosecutors said in sentencing papers filed this month. "This egregious pattern of structuring is a hallmark of money-laundering."

Still, prosecutors have agreed to drop the money-laundering charge against Angel Toy as part of a plea bargain in which the four defendants pleaded guilty to structuring and agreed to pay $3 million in fines and forfeitures. Their attorneys say the government never established that the defendants were knowingly processing money for drug cartels.

In trade-based money-laundering operations, often a third country is added (Taiwan, allegedly, in the case of Angel Toy, and China for Cazares) to further obscure the source of the illicit cash.

The Mexico-based U.S. law enforcement official said investigators are seeing the traffickers and their launderers employ increasingly sophisticated tricks, such as overvaluing and undervaluing invoices and customs declarations.

In a recent operation, money launderers were exporting from the U.S. to Mexico polypropylene pellets that are used to make plastic, the official said. But the inflated value declared on the high-volume shipments eventually attracted suspicion of U.S. bank investigators, who shut down the export operation by discontinuing letters of credit that the suspected launderers were using. Bank investigators estimate that the operation was hiding $1 million every three weeks, according to the official.

"You generate all this paperwork on both sides of the border showing that the product you're importing has this much value on it, when in reality you paid less for it," the official said.

"Now you've got paper earnings of a million dollars," the official said. "You didn't really earn that, but it gives you a piece of paper to take to [Mexican financial authorities] to say: 'This million dollars in my bank account — it's legitimate. It came from this here, see?'"

Trade-based laundering takes advantages of blind spots in international commerce. And the huge, and growing, volume of legitimate trade between Mexico and the U.S. — now nearly $400 billion a year — makes it extraordinarily hard to detect.

"You're trying to catch tens or hundreds of millions of dollars within that," said Shannon O'Neil, an expert on Mexico at the U.S.-based Council on Foreign Relations. "It's quite difficult to sort out the good trade from this bad trade."

Mexican authorities have been slow to act on trade-based money-laundering schemes in part because of their novelty and their opacity. An inspector also needs access to customs paperwork at both ends of the transaction. The United States has a customs-data-sharing agreement with seven countries, including Mexico, and U.S. agents have begun training Mexican inspectors.

As a result, a new interdepartmental team of Mexican investigators is focusing on four trade-based money-laundering cases as part of a confidential pilot program, involved officials told The Times.

The growing shift of Mexican traffickers to trade-based laundering illustrates the fact that cartel bosses, among the world's most expert transnational entrepreneurs, are ever at work developing new systems that will maximize their profits while thwarting the legion of federal agents deployed against them on both sides of the border.

"Can you imagine all the [money-laundering] avenues they're going to have with trade?" said Villanueva, the ICE officer. "They have an industry there that gives the ability to conceal that money and separate it from the illegal activity.... Millions and millions and millions of dollars, and containers, that move around the world on a daily basis."


Immigration, Poverty and
Low-Wage Earners

The Harmful Effect of Unskilled Immigrants on American Workers

The full report is available in pdf format.

Executive Summary

Today’s immigration system is dysfunctional because it is not responsive to the socioeconomic conditions of the country. Only a small share of legally admitted immigrants is sponsored by employers while the bulk are admitted because of family ties to earlier immigrants who may be living in poverty or near poverty. As a result, immigration contributes to an already-existing surplus of low-skilled workers, increasing job competition and driving down wages and conditions to the detriment of American workers. The presence of a large illegal workforce perpetuates a vicious cycle as degraded work conditions discourage Americans from seeking these jobs and make employers more dependent on an illegal foreign workforce. America’s massive low-skill labor force and illegal alien population allow employers to offer low pay and deplorable conditions.
These harmful effects of the immigration system were recognized in the reports of the U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform in the mid 1990s. The Commission’s immigration reform recommendations were welcomed by President Clinton and submitted to Congress, but have largely been ignored since then. Conditions for America’s poorest workers have continued to deteriorate because of both illegal and legal immigration. Reform of the immigration system to assure that it does not harm Americans and instead contributes to a stronger more equitable society is long overdue. The reforms that are needed include ending family-based chain migration and unskilled immigration, ending the job competition for America’s most vulnerable citizens by curtailing illegal immigration and unskilled legal immigration, and holding employers accountable for hiring illegal workers.
The U.S. has a responsibility to protect the economic interests of all of its citizens, yet the immigration system, which adds hundreds of thousands to the labor force each year, is bringing in workers faster than jobs are being created. Moreover, only a small portion of admissions are based on skills or educational criteria, creating an enormous glut of low-skilled workers who struggle to rise above poverty. In 1995, the U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform recommended curtailing family-based immigration and replacing the “failed and expensive regulatory system [for skill-based immigration] with one that is market-driven.” Along these lines, the Commission recommended that, “it is not in the national interest to admit unskilled workers” because “the U.S. economy is showing difficulty in absorbing disadvantaged workers.” Fifteen years later, U.S. politicians continue to ignore these recommendations, bowing to corporate demands for unskilled labor rather than taking a realistic look at immigration’s effect on poverty and the American worker.
Current calls for “comprehensive immigration reform” are nothing short of a push for a massive amnesty that would give permanent status to millions of illegal aliens who are not needed in the workforce, and it would reward unscrupulous employers who profited from hiring illegal workers, providing them with a legal low-wage workforce that would continue to have a negative impact on native workers. The border is not secured and there is much opposition to the mandatory use of E-Verify and interior enforcement. Those who argue against enforcement are not going to decide overnight to support these measures, and politicians have long ago proven that their promise to enforce immigration laws after granting amnesty are not to be believed.
This report contains the following findings:
  • In 2009, less than 6 percent of legal immigrants were admitted because they possessed skills deemed essential to the U.S. economy.
  • Studies that find minimal or no negative effects on native workers from low-skill immigration are based upon flawed assumptions and skewed economic models, not upon observations of actual labor market conditions.
  • There is no such thing as an “immigrant job.” The reality is that immigrants and natives compete for the same jobs and native workers are increasingly at a disadvantage because employers have access to a steady supply of low-wage foreign workers.
  • Low-skilled immigrants are more likely than their native-born counterparts to live in poverty, lack health insurance, and to utilize welfare programs. Immigrants and their children made up 32 percent of those in the United States without health insurance in 2009.
  • Research done by the Center for American Progress has found that reducing the illegal alien population in the United States by one-third would raise the income of unskilled workers by $400 a year.
  • Defenders of illegal immigration often tout the findings of the so-called Perryman Report to argue that illegal aliens are responsible for job creation in the United States; yet, if one accepts the Perryman findings as true, that would mean that only one job is created in the United States for every three illegal workers in the workforce.
  • It is true that if the illegal alien population decreased the overall number of jobs in the U.S. would be reduced, but there would be many more jobs available to native workers — jobs that paid higher wages and offered better working conditions.

The Truth About Employment-Based Immigration
Although big business likes to claim that our present high level of immigration is necessary for its survival and the robustness of our economy, the fact is that only a small fraction of today's million plus new green cards issued annually go to highly-skilled workers.

more ...





Florida ER doctor's notes
Having spent three weeks in a hospital in Naples, Florida with my wife I couldnt help noticing what was going on in the hospital and I had a lot of time to talk to the doctors and nurses about what I had observed. Below is a commentary from an ER Doctor. Do you think this might be a big reason our health care system and our social security system are so screwed up? Do you think this might be a big reason our taxes keep going up? Who do you think these people are going to vote for?

From a Florida ER doctor:

"I live and work in a state overrun with illegals. They make more money having kids than we earn working full-time. Today I had a 25-year old with 8 kids - thats right 8; all illegal anchor babies and she had the nicest nails, cell phone, hand bag, clothing, etc. She makes about $1,500 monthly for each; you do the math. I used to say, We are the dumbest nation on earth. Now I must say and sadly admit: WE are the dumbest people on earth (that includes ME) for we elected the idiot idealogues who have passed the bills that allow this. Sorry, but we need a revolution. Vote them all out in 2010. "


City Journal  Hispanic Family Values?
Runaway illegitimacy is creating a new U.S. underclass.
Heather Mac Donald
Autumn 2006

Unless the life chances of children raised by single mothers suddenly improve, the explosive growth of the U.S. Hispanic population over the next couple of decades does not bode well for American social stability. Hispanic immigrants bring near–Third World levels of fertility to America, coupled with what were once thought to be First World levels of illegitimacy. (In fact, family breakdown is higher in many Hispanic countries than here.) Nearly half of the children born to Hispanic mothers in the U.S. are born out of wedlock, a proportion that has been increasing rapidly with no signs of slowing down. Given what psychologists and sociologists now know about the much higher likelihood of social pathology among those who grow up in single-mother households, the Hispanic baby boom is certain to produce more juvenile delinquents, more school failure, more welfare use, and more teen pregnancy in the future.

The government social-services sector has already latched onto this new client base; as the Hispanic population expands, so will the demands for a larger welfare state. Since conservative open-borders advocates have yet to acknowledge the facts of Hispanic family breakdown, there is no way to know what their solution to it is. But they had better come up with one quickly, because the problem is here—and growing.

The dimensions of the Hispanic baby boom are startling. The Hispanic birthrate is twice as high as that of the rest of the American population. That high fertility rate—even more than unbounded levels of immigration—will fuel the rapid Hispanic population boom in the coming decades. By 2050, the Latino population will have tripled, the Census Bureau projects. One in four Americans will be Hispanic by mid-century, twice the current ratio. In states such as California and Texas, Hispanics will be in the clear majority. Nationally, whites will drop from near 70 percent of the total population in 2000 to just half by 2050. Hispanics will account for 46 percent of the nation’s added population over the next two decades, the Pew Hispanic Center reports.

But it’s the fertility surge among unwed Hispanics that should worry policymakers. Hispanic women have the highest unmarried birthrate in the country—over three times that of whites and Asians, and nearly one and a half times that of black women, according to the Centers for Disease Control. Every 1,000 unmarried Hispanic women bore 92 children in 2003 (the latest year for which data exist), compared with 28 children for every 1,000 unmarried white women, 22 for every 1,000 unmarried Asian women, and 66 for every 1,000 unmarried black women. Forty-five percent of all Hispanic births occur outside of marriage, compared with 24 percent of white births and 15 percent of Asian births. Only the percentage of black out-of-wedlock births—68 percent—exceeds the Hispanic rate. But the black population is not going to triple over the next few decades.

As if the unmarried Hispanic birthrate weren’t worrisome enough, it is increasing faster than among other groups. It jumped 5 percent from 2002 to 2003, whereas the rate for other unmarried women remained flat. Couple the high and increasing illegitimacy rate of Hispanics with their higher overall fertility rate, and you have a recipe for unstoppable family breakdown.

The only bright news in this demographic disaster story concerns teen births. Overall teen childbearing in the U.S. declined for the 12th year in a row in 2003, having dropped by more than a third since 1991. Yet even here, Hispanics remain a cause for concern. The rate of childbirth for Mexican teenagers, who come from by far the largest and fastest-growing immigrant population, greatly outstrips every other group. The Mexican teen birthrate is 93 births per every 1,000 girls, compared with 27 births for every 1,000 white girls, 17 births for every 1,000 Asian girls, and 65 births for every 1,000 black girls. To put these numbers into international perspective, Japan’s teen birthrate is 3.9, Italy’s is 6.9, and France’s is 10. Even though the outsize U.S. teen birthrate is dropping, it continues to inflict unnecessary costs on the country, to which Hispanics contribute disproportionately.

To grasp the reality behind those numbers, one need only talk to people working on the front lines of family breakdown. Social workers in Southern California, the national epicenter for illegal Hispanic immigrants and their progeny, are in despair over the epidemic of single parenting. Not only has illegitimacy become perfectly acceptable, they say, but so has the resort to welfare and social services to cope with it.

Dr. Ana Sanchez delivers babies at St. Joseph’s Hospital in the city of Orange, California, many of them to Hispanic teenagers. To her dismay, they view having a child at their age as normal. A recent patient just had her second baby at age 17; the baby’s father is in jail. But what is “most alarming,” Sanchez says, is that the “teens’ parents view having babies outside of marriage as normal, too. A lot of the grandmothers are single as well; they never married, or they had successive partners. So the mom sends the message to her daughter that it’s okay to have children out of wedlock.”

Sanchez feels almost personally involved in the problem: “I’m Hispanic myself. I wish I could find out what the Asians are doing right.” She guesses that Asian parents’ passion for education inoculates their children against teen pregnancy and the underclass trap. “Hispanics are not picking that up like the Asian kids,” she sighs.

Conservatives who support open borders are fond of invoking “Hispanic family values” as a benefit of unlimited Hispanic immigration. Marriage is clearly no longer one of those family values. But other kinds of traditional Hispanic values have survived—not all of them necessarily ideal in a modern economy, however. One of them is the importance of having children early and often. “It’s considered almost a badge of honor for a young girl to have a baby,” says Peggy Schulze of Chrysalis House, an adoption agency in Fresno. (Fresno has one of the highest teen pregnancy rates in California, typical of the state’s heavily Hispanic farm districts.) It is almost impossible to persuade young single Hispanic mothers to give up their children for adoption, Schulze says. “The attitude is: ‘How could you give away your baby?’ I don’t know how to break through.”

The most powerful Hispanic family value—the tight-knit extended family—facilitates unwed child rearing. A single mother’s relatives often step in to make up for the absence of the baby’s father. I asked Mona, a 19-year-old parishioner at St. Joseph’s Church in Santa Ana, California, if she knew any single mothers. She laughed: “There are so many I can’t even name them.” Two of her cousins, aged 25 and 19, have children without having husbands. The situation didn’t seem to trouble this churchgoer too much. “They’ll be strong enough to raise them. It’s totally okay with us,” she said. “We’re very close; we’re there to support them. They’ll do just fine.”

As Mona’s family suggests, out-of-wedlock child rearing among Hispanics is by no means confined to the underclass. The St. Joseph’s parishioners are precisely the churchgoing, blue-collar workers whom open-borders conservatives celebrate. Yet this community is as susceptible as any other to illegitimacy. Fifty-year-old Irma and her husband, Rafael, came legally from Mexico in the early 1970s. Rafael works in a meatpacking plant in Brea; they have raised five husky boys who attend church with them. Yet Irma’s sister—a homemaker like herself, also married to a factory hand—is now the grandmother of two illegitimate children, one by each daughter. “I saw nothing in the way my sister and her husband raised her children to explain it,” Irma says. “She gave them everything.” One of the fathers of Irma’s young nieces has four other children by a variety of different mothers. His construction wages are being garnished for child support, but he is otherwise not involved in raising his children.

The fathers of these illegitimate children are often problematic in even more troubling ways. Social workers report that the impregnators of younger Hispanic women are with some regularity their uncles, not necessarily seen as a bad thing by the mother’s family. Alternatively, the father may be the boyfriend of the girl’s mother, who then continues to stay with the grandmother. Older men seek out young girls in the belief that a virgin cannot get pregnant during her first intercourse, and to avoid sexually transmitted diseases.

The tradition of starting families young and expand- ing them quickly can come into conflict with more modern American mores. Ron Storm, the director of the Hillview Acres foster-care home in Chino, tells of a 15-year-old girl who was taken away from the 21-year-old father of her child by a local child-welfare department. The boyfriend went to jail, charged with rape. But the girl’s parents complained about the agency’s interference, and eventually both the girl and her boyfriend ended up going back to Mexico, presumably to have more children. “At 15, as the QuinceaƱera tradition celebrates, you’re considered ready for marriage,” says Storm. Or at least for childbearing; the marriage part is disappearing.

But though older men continue to take advantage of younger women, the age gap between the mother and the father of an illegitimate child is quickly closing. Planned Parenthood of Orange and San Bernardino Counties tries to teach young fathers to take responsibility for their children. “We’re seeing a lot more 13- and 14-year-old fathers,” says Kathleen Collins, v.p. of health education. The day before we spoke, Scott Montoya, an Orange County sheriff’s deputy, arrested two 14-year-old boys who were bragging about having sexual relations with a cafeteria worker from an Olive Garden restaurant. “It’s now all about getting girls pregnant when you’re age 15,” he says. One 18-year-old in the Planned Parenthood fathers’ program has two children by two different girls and is having sex with five others, says health worker Jason Warner. “A lot of [the adolescent sexual behavior] has to do with getting respect from one’s peers,” observes Warner.

Normally, the fathers, of whatever age, take off. “The father may already be married or in prison or doing drugs,” says Amanda Gan, director of operations for Toby’s House, a maternity home in Dana Point, California. Mona, the 19-year-old parishioner at St. Joseph’s Church, says that the boys who impregnated her two cousins are “nowhere to be found.” Her family knows them but doesn’t know if they are working or in jail.

Two teen mothers at the Hillview Acres home represent the outer edge of Hispanic family dysfunction. Yet many aspects of their lives are typical. Though these teenagers’ own mothers were unusually callous and irresponsible, the social milieu in which they were raised is not unusual.

Irene’s round, full face makes her look younger than her 14 years, certainly too young to be a mother. But her own mother’s boyfriend repeatedly forced sex on her, with the mother’s acquiescence. The result was Irene’s baby, Luz. Baby Luz has an uncle her own age, Irene’s new 13-month-old brother. Like Irene, Irene’s mother had her first child at 14, and produced five more over the next 16 years, all of whom went into foster care. Irene’s father committed suicide before she was old enough to know him. The four fathers of her siblings are out of the picture, too: one of them, the father of her seven-year-old brother and five-year-old sister, was deported back to Mexico after he showed up drunk for a visit with his children, in violation of his probation conditions.

Irene is serene and articulate—remarkably so, considering that in her peripatetic early life in Orange County she went to school maybe twice a week. She likes to sing and to read books that are sad, she says, especially books by Dave Pelzer, a child-abuse victim who has published three best-selling memoirs about his childhood trauma. She says she will never get married: “I don’t want another man in my life. I don’t want that experience again.”

Eighteen-year-old Jessica at least escaped rape, but her family experiences were bad enough. The large-limbed young woman, whose long hair is pulled back tightly from her heart-shaped face, grew up in the predominantly Hispanic farming community of Indio in the Coachella Valley. She started “partying hard” in fifth grade, she says—at around the same time that her mother, separated from her father, began using drugs and going clubbing. By the eighth grade, Jessica and her mother were drinking and smoking marijuana together. Jessica’s family had known her boyfriend’s family since she was four; when she had her first child by him—she was 14 and he was 21—her mother declared philosophically that she had always known that it would happen. “It was okay with her, so long as he continued to give her drugs.”

Jessica originally got pregnant to try to clean up her life, she says. “I knew what I was doing was not okay, so having a baby was a way for me to stop doing what I was doing. In that sense, the baby was planned.” She has not used drugs since her first pregnancy, though she occasionally drinks. After her daughter was born, she went to live with her boyfriend in a filthy trailer without plumbing; they scrounged food from dumpsters, despite the income from his illegal drug business. They planned to get married, but by the time she got pregnant again with a son, “We were having a lot of problems. We’d be holding hands, and he’d be looking at other girls. I didn’t want him to touch me.” Eventually, the county welfare agency removed her and put her in foster care with her two children.

Both Jessica and her caddish former boyfriend illustrate the evanescence of the celebrated Hispanic “family values.” Her boyfriend’s family could not be more traditional. Two years ago, Jessica went back to Mexico to celebrate her boyfriend’s parents’ 25th wedding anniversary and the renewal of their wedding vows. Jessica’s own mother got married at 15 to her father, who was ten years her senior. Her father would not let his wife work; she was a “stay-at-home wife,” Jessica says. But don’t blame the move to the U.S. for the behavior of younger generations; the family crack-up is happening even faster in Latin America.

Jessica’s mother may have been particularly negligent, but Jessica’s experiences are not so radically different from those of her peers. “Everybody’s having babies now,” she says. “The Coachella Valley is filled with girls’ pregnancies. Some girls live with their babies’ dads; they consider them their husbands.” These cohabiting relationships rarely last, however, and a new cohort of fatherless children goes out into the world.

Despite the strong family support, the prevalence of single parenting among Hispanics is producing the inevitable slide into the welfare system. “The girls aren’t marrying the guys, so they are married to the state,” Dr. Sanchez observes. Hispanics now dominate the federal Women, Infants, and Children free food program; Hispanic enrollment grew over 25 percent from 1996 to 2002, while black enrollment dropped 12 percent and white enrollment dropped 6.5 percent. Illegal immigrants can get WIC and other welfare programs for their American-born children. If Congress follows President Bush’s urging and grants amnesty to most of the 11 million illegal aliens in the country today, expect the welfare rolls to skyrocket as the parents themselves become eligible.

Amy Braun works for Mary’s Shelter, a home for young single mothers who are homeless or in crisis, in Orange County, California. It has become “culturally okay” for the Hispanic population to use the shelter and welfare system, Braun says. A case manager at a program for pregnant homeless women in the city of Orange observes the same acculturation to the social-services sector, with its grievance mongering and sense of victimhood. “I’ll have women in my office on their fifth child, when the others have already been placed in foster care,” says Anita Berry of Casa Teresa. “There’s nothing shameful about having multiple children that you can’t care for, and to be pregnant again, because then you can blame the system.”

The consequences of family breakdown are now being passed down from one generation to the next, in an echo of the black underclass. “The problems are deeper and wider,” says Berry. “Now you’re getting the second generation of foster care and group home residents. The dysfunction is multigenerational.”

The social-services complex has responded with barely concealed enthusiasm to this new flood of clients. As Hispanic social problems increase, so will the government sector that ministers to them. In July, a New York Times editorial, titled young latinas and a cry for help, pointed out the elevated high school dropout rates and birthrates among Hispanic girls. A quarter of all Latinas are mothers by the age of 20, reported the Times. With the usual melodrama that accompanies the pitch for more government services, the Times designated young Latinas as “endangered” in the same breath that it disclosed that they are one of the fastest-growing segments of the population. “The time to help is now,” said the Times—by which it means ratcheting up the taxpayer-subsidized social-work industry.

In response to the editorial, Carmen Barroso, regional director of International Planned Parenthood Federation/Western Hemisphere Region, proclaimed in a letter to the editor the “urgent need for health care providers, educators and advocates to join the sexual and reproductive health movement to ensure the fundamental right to services for young Latinas.”

Wherever these “fundamental rights” might come from, Barroso’s call nevertheless seems quite superfluous, since there is no shortage of taxpayer-funded “services” for troubled Latinas—or Latinos. The schools in California’s San Joaquin Valley have day care for their students’ babies, reports Peggy Schulze of Chrysalis House. “The girls get whatever they need—welfare, medical care.” Advocates for young unwed moms in New York’s South Bronx are likewise agitating for more day-care centers in high schools there, reports El Diario/La Prensa. A bill now in Congress, the Latina Adolescent Suicide Prevention Act, aims to channel $10 million to “culturally competent” social agencies to improve the self-esteem of Latina girls and to provide “support services” to their families and friends if they contemplate suicide.

The trendy “case management” concept, in which individual “cases” become the focal point around which a solar system of social workers revolves, has even reached heavily Hispanic elementary and middle schools. “We have a coordinator, who brings in a collaboration of agencies to deal with the issues that don’t allow a student to meet his academic goals, such as domestic violence or drugs,” explains Sylvia Rentria, director of the Family Resource Center at Berendo Middle School in Los Angeles. “We can provide individual therapy.” Rentria offers the same program at nearby Hoover Elementary School for up to 100 students.

This July, Rentria launched a new session of Berendo’s Violence Intervention Program for parents of children who are showing signs of gang involvement and other antisocial behavior. Ghady M., 55 and a “madre soltera” (single mother), like most of the mothers in the program, has been called in because her 16-year-old son, Christian, has been throwing gang signs at school, cutting half his classes, and ending up in the counseling office every day. The illegal Guatemalan is separated from her partner, who was “muy malo,” she says; he was probably responsible for her many missing teeth. (The detectives in the heavily Hispanic Rampart Division of the Los Angeles Police Department, which includes the Berendo school, spend inordinate amounts of time on domestic violence cases.) Though Ghady used to work in a factory on Broadway in downtown L.A.— often referred to as Little Mexico City—she now collects $580 in welfare payments and $270 in food stamps for her two American-born children.

Christian is a husky smart aleck in a big white T-shirt; his fashionably pomaded hair stands straight up. He goes to school but doesn’t do homework, he grins; and though he is not in a gang, he says, he has friends who are. Keeping Ghady and Christian company at the Violence Intervention Program is Ghady’s grandniece, Carrie, a lively ten-year-old. Carrie lives with her 26-year-old mother but does not know her father, who also sired her 12-year-old brother. Her five-year-old brother has a different father.

Yet for all these markers of social dysfunction, fatherless Hispanic families differ from the black underclass in one significant area: many of the mothers and the absent fathers work, even despite growing welfare use. The former boyfriend of Jessica, the 18-year-old mother at the Hillview Acres foster home, works in construction and moonlights on insulation jobs; whether he still deals drugs is unknown. Jessica is postponing joining her father in Texas until she finishes high school, because once she moves in with him, she will feel obligated to get a job to help the family finances. The mother of Hillview’s 14-year-old Irene used to fix soda machines in Anaheim, California, though she got fired because she was lazy, Irene says. Now, under court compulsion, she works in a Lunchables factory in Santa Ana, a condition of getting her children back from foster care. The 18-year-old Lothario and father of two, whom Planned Parenthood’s Jason Warner is trying to counsel, works at a pet store. The mother of Carrie, the vivacious ten-year-old sitting in on Berendo Middle School’s Violence Intervention Program, makes pizza at a Papa John’s pizza outlet.

How these two value systems—a lingering work ethic and underclass mating norms—will interact in the future is anyone’s guess. Orange County sheriff’s deputy Montoya says that the older Hispanic generation’s work ethic is fast disappearing among the gangbanging youngsters whom he sees. “Now, it’s all about fast money, drugs, and sex.” It may be that the willingness to work will plummet along with marriage rates, leading to even greater social problems than are now rife among Hispanics. Or it may be that the two contrasting practices will remain on parallel tracks, creating a new kind of underclass: a culture that tolerates free-floating men who impregnate women and leave, like the vast majority of black men, yet who still labor in the noncriminal economy. The question is whether, if the disposition to work remains relatively strong, a working parent will inoculate his or her illegitimate children against the worst degradations that plague black ghettos.

From an intellectual standpoint, this is a fascinating social experiment, one that academicians are—predictably—not attuned to. But the consequences will be more than intellectual: they may severely strain the social fabric. Nevertheless, it is an experiment that we seem destined to see to its end. Tisha Roberts, a supervisor at an Orange County, California, institution that assists children in foster care, has given up hope that the illegitimacy rate will taper off. “It’s going to continue to grow,” she says, “until we can put birth control in the water.”




“I’m not here to punish banks!” Floor of the Senate – STATE of the UNION MESSAGE after the rape of the nation by the banks.




“Rattner, an investment banker whose net worth was estimated to be up to $600 million when Obama selected him to head the Auto Task Force, said his “friends on Wall Street” were concerned by GM’s earnings and communication with investors.”

We didn’t ask any active worker to cut his or her pay. We didn’t ask them to sacrifice any of their pension and we maybe could have asked them to do a little bit more.”


With the full assistance of the UAW, the White House slashed tens of thousands of jobs, wiped out “Jobs Bank” income protections for laid-off workers and cost-of-living adjustments for current workers. It cut retiree health care benefits and expanded the two-tier wage system, which pays newly hired workers $15 an hour or roughly half of what longer-term workers earn.

Nevertheless, Rattner expresses the frustration of Wall Street that the percentage of workers making poverty level wages will be limited to a quarter of the workforce by 2015.

Obama’s “Car Czar” says workers should have taken deeper cuts

By Jerry White
21 December 2011

President Obama’s former “Car Czar” says the government should have slashed the wages of auto workers and imposed even deeper concessions on United Auto Workers (UAW) members during the 2009 restructuring of General Motors and Chrysler.

After a speech at the Detroit Economic Club last week, Steven Rattner told reporters, “If we had more time, we might have asked all the stakeholders to sacrifice a little bit more. We didn’t ask any active worker to cut his or her pay. We didn’t ask them to sacrifice any of their pension and we maybe could have asked them to do a little bit more.”

Rattner, an investment banker whose net worth was estimated to be up to $600 million when Obama selected him to head the Auto Task Force, said his “friends on Wall Street” were concerned by GM’s earnings and communication with investors. Even though the Detroit automaker’s profits have sharply risen, the market has punished GM stocks, which have fallen 50 percent since its IPO last year.

After Rattner’s remarks were made public, he denied he was suggesting auto workers should have or should now be forced to take pay cuts. Writing on his blog, he said, “So let me be clear, I have no desire to see auto workers (or anyone else) take a pay cut. The members of President Obama’s Auto Task Force did not work as hard as we did in order for workers to see their pay slashed.”

In fact, that was central purpose of the task force. Using the threat of liquidation, the Obama administration set out to shut unprofitable plants and drastically reduce labor costs so Wall Street could be ensured high returns even if car sales fell to historic lows.

With the full assistance of the UAW, the White House slashed tens of thousands of jobs, wiped out “Jobs Bank” income protections for laid-off workers and cost-of-living adjustments for current workers. It cut retiree health care benefits and expanded the two-tier wage system, which pays newly hired workers $15 an hour or roughly half of what longer-term workers earn.

This was a signal for the launching of a wage-cutting campaign, which has stretched to every section of the working class, from teachers and public employees to industrial and other private sector workers.

In the recent round of labor agreements the UAW handed over more concessions, agreeing to contracts that raise labor costs by their lowest margin in four decades. Nevertheless, Rattner expresses the frustration of Wall Street that the percentage of workers making poverty level wages will be limited to a quarter of the workforce by 2015. They feel conditions are ripe—with mass unemployment, rising poverty and the full complicity of the UAW—to reopen the auto contracts in the not too distant future in order to cut the wages of the remaining 75 percent of workers.

The current lockout of rubber workers at Cooper Tire in Findlay, Ohio is indicative of the “new normal” being demanded by corporate America, which is intent on closing the wage gap between American workers and their brutally exploited counterparts in China, Latin America and other impoverished regions.

In his blog, Rattner continued, “[A]s I have watched events unfold in the past 2½ years, I have become increasingly concerned about the competitiveness of American manufacturing, including autos. We are competing more and more against countries whose workers are paid a small fraction of what American workers are paid but whose productivity is getting closer and closer to U.S. levels (in some cases, even exceeding it).

“All I was trying to say was that if we had achieved more shared sacrifice at the time of the restructurings, we would be in a better position to retain more American jobs in the face of this competition. I wish sacrifice was not necessary.”

Notwithstanding his lament over “necessary sacrifice,” Rattner is speaking for the financial aristocracy, which has no intention of investing in manufacturing unless the gains of a century of working class struggle are overturned. Having worked intimately with the UAW during the auto bailout, Rattner is well aware that the UAW is fully on board as long as it can retain its position of a purveyor of cheap labor.

Rattner is typical of the financial parasites that have risen to the top of the US economy over the last three decades of deindustrialization and assault on the working class. According to Fortune magazine, he lives in a “sprawling” Manhattan apartment, which “overlooks Central Park and the Metropolitan Museum of Art (where he is on the board).” The magazine continues: “He has a horse farm in North Salem, New York, in northern Westchester County, near his friend, New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg, and is building a 15,575-square foot house on the water in Martha’s Vineyard.”

Rattner was forced to leave the Auto Task Force after the New York state attorney filed two civil suits charging that he committed fraud when, as head of the Quadrangle Group private equity fund, he used bribes and kickbacks to obtain management over $150 million in assets of the New York State Common Retirement Fund. Rattner—who is also a major figure in the Democratic Party establishment—settled the case with no admission of guilt by paying $10 million.


Guess LA RAZA his happy with OBAMA’S endless hispandering! THEY SHOULD BE!

There  are only eight states with a larger population than LOS ANGELES COUNTY, where 47% of those with a job are ILLEGALS USING STOLEN SOCIAL SECURITY NUMBERS! This same mex gang infested county puts out $600 million in welfare to illegals!


“The inspections have determined that hundreds of companies throughout the U.S. have significant numbers of illegal immigrants on their payroll yet none have been punished, according to a Houston newspaper that obtained internal ICE records through the Freedom of Information Act. At least 430 audit cases listed as “closed” by the agency had high percentages of workers with “questionable” documents yet they faced no consequences.”


“We could cut unemployment in half simply by reclaiming the jobs taken by illegal workers,” said Representative Lamar Smith of Texas, co-chairman of the Reclaim American Jobs Caucus. “President Obama is on the wrong side of the American people on immigration. The president should support policies that help citizens and legal immigrants find the jobs they need and deserve rather than fail to enforce immigration laws.”


 “The principal beneficiaries of our current immigration policy are affluent Americans who hire immigrants at substandard wages for low-end work. Harvard economist George Borjas estimates that American workers lose $190 billion annually in depressed wages caused by the constant flooding of the labor market at the low-wage end.” Christian Science Monitor

The California Budget Project, a liberal study group in Sacramento, brought the income squeeze down to the state level in its Labor Day analysis.

Using state tax data, the project said that the average adjusted gross income of all California taxpayers - whether filing individually or jointly - fell from $82,268 in 2000 to $68,434 in 2008, after adjusting for inflation. TOM ABATE


Labor secretary: Obama doing good job on economy

Monday, September 6, 2010

(09-06) 04:36 PDT WASHINGTON (AP) --

Labor Secretary Hilda Solis is defending President Barack Obama's efforts to combat the recession and unemployment, saying his focus has been on helping the jobless and underemployed.

In a Labor Day appearance on ABC News'"Good Morning America," Solis said Obama is doing a good job.

Solis says the Obama administration knows people are hurting from the weak economy. She pointed to last year's $814 billion economic recovery act and administration proposals for job training and hiring incentives for businesses.

On CBS'"Early Show," she said that over the last eight months, the U.S. economy has added some 90,000 private sector jobs each month.

Critics have cited persistent unemployment rates of nearly 10 percent and only faint signs that businesses are rehiring workers.


Labor Secretary Hilda Solis, a former California congresswoman with close ties to the influential La Raza movement, announced the “We Can Help” project with great fanfare a few days ago.”

FROM JUDICIAL WATCH. org – get on their emails!

Labor Dept. Helps Illegal Alien Workers

Last Updated: Tue, 04/06/2010 - 11:04am

The Department of Labor has launched a special program to assist and protect illegal immigrant workers in the U.S., referred to as “vulnerable” and “underpaid” by the presidential cabinet member who heads the agency.

Hundreds of new field investigators have been deployed to reach out to Latino laborers in areas with large numbers of illegal alien employees. Their message, in Spanish, is “we can help” bring workplace protections to the nation’s most vulnerable and underpaid workers, including those who have no legal right to live in the Untied States.


Labor Secretary Hilda Solis, a former California congresswoman with close ties to the influential La Raza movement, announced the “We Can Help” project with great fanfare a few days ago. A total of 1,000 investigators from her agency will focus on enforcing labor and wage laws in industries that typically hire lots of illegal aliens without reporting anyone to federal immigration authorities.


Solis told Latino workers that “your president, your secretary of labor and this department will not allow anyone to be denied his or her rightful pay, especially when so many in our nation are working long, hard and often dangerous hours.” She assured illegal immigrants that “if you work in this country, you are protected by our laws.”

The same day Solis publicly announced the Obama Administration’s new project, a Labor Department investigator visited a day laborer center in northern California to promote it. The federal employee actually chatted warmly with the illegal immigrants about how to find jobs without being exploited, according to a local newspaper report. “We’re the feds but the good ones,” he told the day laborers in Spanish. “We’re here to help workers.”

The agency has also launched a Spanish television advertising campaign to spread the word and created a web site. Workers in industries from construction to food service are urged to contact the Labor Department of wage and hour violations. An investigator may be deployed to the work site or the employer may be taken to court.



Here’s his Sec. Labor, HILDA SOLIS:

 While in Congress, she opposed strengthening the border fence, supported expansion of illegal alien benefits (including driver's licenses and in-state tuition discounts), embraced sanctuary cities that refused to cooperate with federal homeland security officials to enforce immigration laws, and aggressively championed a mass amnesty. Solis was steeped in the pro-illegal alien worker organizing movement in Southern California and was buoyed by amnesty-supporting Big Labor groups led by the Service Employees International Union. She has now caused a Capitol Hill firestorm over her new taxpayer-funded advertising and outreach campaign to illegal aliens regarding fair wages:


 Michelle Malkin

The U.S. Department of Illegal Alien Labor

President Obama's Labor Secretary Hilda Solis is supposed to represent American workers. What you need to know is that this longtime open-borders sympathizer has always had a rather radical definition of "American." At a Latino voter registration project conference in Los Angeles many years ago, Solis asserted to thunderous applause, "We are all Americans, whether you are legalized or not."

That's right. The woman in charge of enforcing our employment laws doesn't give a hoot about our immigration laws -- or about the fundamental distinction between those who followed the rules in pursuit of the American dream and those who didn't.

While in Congress, she opposed strengthening the border fence, supported expansion of illegal alien benefits (including driver's licenses and in-state tuition discounts), embraced sanctuary cities that refused to cooperate with federal homeland security officials to enforce immigration laws, and aggressively championed a mass amnesty. Solis was steeped in the pro-illegal alien worker organizing movement in Southern California and was buoyed by amnesty-supporting Big Labor groups led by the Service Employees International Union. She has now caused a Capitol Hill firestorm over her new taxpayer-funded advertising and outreach campaign to illegal aliens regarding fair wages:

"I'm here to tell you that your president, your secretary of labor and this department will not allow anyone to be denied his or her rightful pay -- especially when so many in our nation are working long, hard and often dangerous hours," Solis says in the video pitch. "We can help, and we will help. If you work in this country, you are protected by our laws. And you can count on the U.S. Department of Labor to see to it that those protections work for you."

To be sure, no one should be scammed out of "fair wages." Employers that hire and exploit illegal immigrant workers deserve full sanctions and punishment. But it's the timing, tone-deafness and underlying blanket amnesty agenda of Solis' illegal alien outreach that has so many American workers and their representatives on Capitol Hill rightly upset.

With double-digit unemployment and a growing nationwide revolt over Washington's border security failures, why has Solis chosen now to hire 250 new government field investigators to bolster her illegal alien workers' rights campaign? (Hint: Leftists unhappy with Obama's lack of progress on "comprehensive immigration reform" need appeasing. This is a quick bone to distract them.)

Unfortunately, the federal government is not alone in lavishing attention and resources on workers who shouldn't be here in the first place. As of 2008, California, Florida, Nevada, New York, Texas and Utah all expressly included illegal aliens in their state workers' compensation plans -- and more than a dozen other states implicitly cover them.

Solis' public service announcement comes on the heels of little-noticed but far more troubling comments encouraging illegal alien workers in the Gulf Coast. Earlier this month, in the aftermath of the BP oil spill, according to Spanish language publication El Diario La Prensa, Solis signaled that her department was going out of its way to shield illegal immigrant laborers involved in cleanup efforts. "My purpose is to assist the workers with respect to safety and protection," she said. "We're protecting all workers regardless of migration status because that's the federal law." She told reporters that her department was in talks with local Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officials who had visited coastal worksites to try to verify that workers were legal.

No word yet on whether she gave ICE her "we are all Americans, whether you are legalized or not" lecture. But it's a safe bet.


From the above blog, email articles to those concerned about Obama’s endless push for amnesty.




“Mexico’s government has provided its nationals with valuable tools to help them cross the border safely but Dominguez is the first American resident, with a salary provided by U.S. taxpayers, to openly promote such a gadget. A few years ago Mexican officials published a 32-page booklet (Guia Del Migrante Mexicano) with safety tips for border crossers and distributed hand-held satellite devices to ensure the violators complete their journey safely.”