THE DOCTRINE OF THE N.A.F.T.A. GLOBALIST DEMOCRATS IS TO SERVE THE BILLIONAIRE CLASS WITH ENDLESS WAVES OF INVADING 'CHEAP' LABOR SUBSIDIZED WITH WELFARE FUNDED BY TAXES ON MIDDLE AMERICA.
In many speeches, Mayorkas says he is building a mass migration system to deliver workers to wealthy employers and investors and “equity” to poor foreigners. The nation’s border laws are subordinate to elites’ opinion about “the values of our country,” Mayorkas claims.
Monday, November 30, 2020
JOE BIDEN PROMISES EMPLOYERS OF 'CHEAP' LABOR ILLEGALS NO E-VERIFY, NO BORDERS, NO ENFOCEMENT AND AMNESTY SO 40 MILLION MEX FLAG WAVERS MAY LEGALLY BRING UP THE REST OF MEXICO
Former Vice President Joe Biden will nominate Alejandro Mayorkas to run the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), despite his role in creating huge Latin American migration and his involvement in several visas-for-sale scandals.
OPEN BORDERS AND A NATION FLOODED WITH ‘CHEAP’ LABOR
Former Vice President Joe Biden will nominate Alejandro Mayorkas to run the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), despite his role in creating huge Latin American migration and his involvement in several visas-for-sale scandals.
Former Vice President Joe Biden’s pro-migration policies are inviting another blue-collar migration flood across the southern border, say his Democrat allies.
Biden has promised to reverse many of President Donald Trump’s pro-American policies, but “if Biden hits reverse too hard, it could cost him politically,” read a November 24 column by Noah Smith, a pro-migration columnist for Bloomberg:
In economic terms, a few hundred thousand Central American migrants will do little to hurt the U.S., but their presence will rile up law-and-order voters who bristle at the notion of people crossing the border illegally or skipping out on asylum hearings. That could hurt Biden with constituencies like Hispanic voters who live in the Texas border counties that swung hard to Trump in 2020.
“There are very real risks that sudden changes in policy could generate a surge of unauthorized migration: Recent experience has taught us that changing U.S. policies sends powerful signals to would-be migrants — and to their smugglers,” says a November 17 article by Andrew Selee, the president of the pro-migration Migration Policy Institute.
“I don’t think they’re going to be able to stop that,” said Jessica Vaughan, at the Center for Immigration Studies, which favors curbs on migration.
For example, she said, Biden has selected Alejandro Mayorkas to run the immigration system, despite Mayorkas’ role under President Barack Obama in welcoming migrants and triggering Obama’s huge Latin American migration that Trump finally stopped in early 2020.
Mayorkas will have a hard time deterring migration because millions of migrants — and their coyotes — know he wants to let them into jobs in the United States, Vaughan told Breitbart News on November 23. For example, Mayorkas pressured immigration officials to ignore fraud and to rubber-stamp migrants’ applications, she said, adding, “He said that [immigration] officers who refused applicants have black spots on their hearts and that they’re doing something wrong, and should be approving all these applications.”
The migration pressure will grow once coronavirus vaccinations allow Mexico and other regional countries to permit movement, warned Joseph Chamie, a population expert and a former director of the United Nations Population Division. He wrote on November 19 in TheHill.com:
Whether you’re for it, against it or indifferent about it, the migration surge is coming. Millions of men, women and children in developing countries are desperately seeking to emigrate to escape poverty, hunger, unemployment, violence, crime, human rights abuse, and environmental crises.
…
With the incoming government’s proposed changes to immigration policies, especially with respect to asylum seekers, undocumented migrants, migrating families and unaccompanied minors, a big migration inflow along the U.S southern border should not come as a surprise.
The coming surge of migrants can be expected to overwhelm immigration systems, including border control, security vetting, the courts, legal representation, medical clearance, shelter and quarantine facilities and operating costs. Particularly challenging for the authorities is deciding on how best to deal with migrating family units, unaccompanied minors and asylum seekers.
Biden will try to chart a course between his many pro-migration allies — including the many millions of foreigners who want to get into the United States — and millions of worried swing-voters, according to Smith.
Smith — who accepts the claim that Biden sincerely tried to exclude migrants when he was serving as vice-president — wrote November 24 that Biden:
will probably try to accept asylum seekers from Central America at a slow and ordered pace. Detention will probably persist, in a much more humane form. And Biden may even negotiate new, though less rigid, agreements to keep some asylum seekers at home as the administration tries to improve living conditions in those countries.
But the Democrats are eager to welcome more migrants, said Vaughan, and they know how to hide that unpopular welcome under loud promises to fix a “broken immigration system”:
Many people like to complain about an immigration system that is supposedly “broken,” but it’s not broken at all when someone like Mayorkas is at the helm and can [annually] wave in more than a million legal immigrants, nearly a million guest workers, and crank out a million work permits. That’s not broken — that’s working pretty well if what you want is unlimited immigration.
Under Obama and Biden, administration officials carefully opened many small and hard-to-see loopholes in the border — and disarmed border agencies with many other regulations. That covert policy gradually and deliberately let millions of blue-collar Latin Americans into the United States, so boosting business allies.
But the inevitable pressure from millions of would-be migrants flooded their stealthy pro-migration policies, causing a popular pushback in 2014 that set the stage for Trump’s surprise jump into presidential politics.
Like other white-collar pro-migration activists, Selee’s favored solution to the migration problem is to make it legal, regardless of the predictable impact on blue-collar Americans.
He would expand the legal inflow of foreign workers, asylum seekers, and refugees that will cut blue-collar wages and raise blue-collar housing prices, saying:
First and foremost, this new [migration] architecture needs to include some sort of labor pathway for Central Americans to do seasonal work in the United States.
…
identifying those in danger in their home countries either for protection in-country or for resettlement as refugees in the United States and other countries, efforts that are done on a small scale already but could be vastly expanded with the right attention and resources.
“[A] Biden administration can transition towards a new migration management architecture that creates opportunities for seasonal work and humanitarian protection, while investing in a better future for the region as a whole,” Selee concluded.
Rasmussen shows that some post-Trump Biden voters are feeling freer to protect blue-collar Americans from cheap-labor migration. That's decent, but it may not matter if legislators think those Biden voters can be pushed to back pro-amnesty Dems in 2022. https://t.co/VSPGVnkDim
The man tapped to
become U.S. Department of Homeland Security secretary, Cuba-born Alejandro "Ali" Mayorkas,
would wear many hats running one of the country's largest bureaucracies. With
some 240,000 employees, the DHS conglomeration created after 9/11 melds
counterterrorism intelligence, emergency management, cybersecurity, the U.S.
Coast Guard, and the U.S. Secret Service. But the planned nomination also
portends far-reaching impacts on all forms of legal and illegal immigration.
Already, the 61-year-old Mayorkas has shown early interest in
an oversight role over U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CPB), Immigration
and Customs Enforcement (ICE), and the agency he once headed, U.S. Citizenship
and Immigration Services (USCIS).
But despite largely laudatory media reviews of a Mayorkas
appointment, his public service legacy features serial ethical imbroglios, a
pointed de-emphasis on immigration fraud and law enforcement, and strong-arm
management tactics to spike acceptances of immigration and asylum applications
in disregard of eligibility.
While media organizations may have trod lightly over these
trouble spots, a Senate confirmation process required for a DHS secretary
nomination likely won't, a public interest that argues for re-visitation and a
more complete picture of how Mayorkas may manage this policy area.
The son of Jewish-Cuban refugees who fled the 1959 communist
revolution, Mayorkas served President Bill
Clinton as an appointed U.S. attorney in California from 1998 through 2001,
President Barack Obama as head of USCIS from 2009-2013, and as deputy secretary
for DHS from 2013-2016, before retiring to a blue-chip law firm in Washington,
D.C. He served perhaps most controversially as head of USCIS, the huge
immigration-benefits management agency that oversees asylum approval processes,
a fraud detection corps, residency and visa application processes, the E-Verify
and SAVE immigration status-checking systems, and the citizenship
naturalization process.
In their initial coverage, Politico, the Washington
Post, the New York
Times, National Public
Radio, and other media organizations quoted former friends,
colleagues, and Democratic figures praising Mayorkas for his experience and
centrist politics. But the exuberant coverage largely tokenized several
ethically questionable moments in Mayorkas's public service career dating to
his California U.S. attorney days, leaving an incomplete portrait.
For instance, in its article about the prospective Mayorkas
nomination, the Washington Post noted that only "Republicans" are
likely to bring up a 2015 DHS Inspector General report that
found Mayorkas inappropriately helped companies associated with powerful
Democratic Party figures reverse employment visa denials for wealthy foreign
nationals. The Post did not elaborate on its brief description of the scandal.
However, the public interest in that matter and others to be
described, as well as Mayorkas's unconventional actions with regard to legal
and illegal immigration, arguably extends beyond "Republicans" to
everyone in Congress with a vote on the nomination, and to anyone who cares
about corruption or how immigration and border security policy develops next.
Views on Immigrants and Immigration
Where Mayorkas stands on the core issues should not be hard
to guess, given that Biden nominated him with a clear agenda. Biden has
promised to reverse most Trump deterrence-focused policies for those likely to
incentivize legal and illegal immigration. Biden, for instance, has promised to
end deportations for his first 100 days, suspend construction on the southern
border wall, reopen the severely abused asylum system to all comers, reduce
detentions, and work toward amnesties for all of the illegally present.
As to where Mayorkas fits on the political spectrum, one tell
is that no Republican voted to confirm him as DHS deputy secretary in 2013. A
clue as to where on the open-borders spectrum to place him is that some of the biggest fans
of a Mayorkas appointment are those who favor the lightest possible immigration
enforcement touch, the most expansive application
of asylum law, and the entrance of the greatest
number of legal or illegal immigrants, press reporting and social
media show.
Mayorkas was the architect of Obama's Deferred Action for
Childhood Arrivals (DACA) policy that legalized some 700,000 mostly adult
"dreamers" who arrived in the United States illegally as minors. Back
in civilian life, where he associated with pro-immigration groups like the
American Immigration Lawyers Association, which celebrated the
nomination announcement, Mayorkas continued to speak out in
support of granting amnesty to dreamers.
Emblematic of the partisan divide certain to persist on
immigration after a Mayorkas confirmation were other congratulatory
endorsements by migrant advocate groups, such as a quote reflecting the joy of
Janet Murguia, president of UnidosUS (originally the National Council of La
Raza), which opposes what it
terms "indiscriminate" immigration enforcement. She told
the New York Times that "after four long, dark years" of the Trump
administration and "a general contempt for Latinos from the highest office
in the land, Mayorkas's nomination signals a new day for the Department of
Homeland Security and for all our country."
In post-service civilian life, Mayorkas served as a board member for the
refugee resettlement agency HIAS, which advocates for higher numbers and
liberal application of asylum regulations and against detention. HIAS was among
many groups that also congratulated Mayorkas
for the pending appointment.
Mayorkas wasted no time telegraphing which part of the vast
DHS portfolio interested him: immigration and asylum.
"When I was very young, the United States provided my
family and me a place of refuge," Mayorkas wrote on Twitter following
Biden's announcement about him. "Now, I have been nominated to be the DHS
Secretary and oversee the protection of all Americans and those who flee
persecution in search of a better life for themselves and their loved
ones."
Later, he messaged his
intention to further the department's work to "advance our proud history
as a country of welcome."
While none of these policy attitudes should surprise
Washington insiders, a record of unconventional past actions suggests the
extent to which the next Mayorkas incarnation may emphasize opening the gates
wider rather than scrupulously enforcing the letter of immigration law.
Pressuring Employees to "Get to Yes" on Visas
Applications, Forget Fraud
In October 2010, about a year after Mayorkas's appointment to
head USCIS, Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) penned a complaint to
then-DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano. Its contents, though a decade old now,
raise questions about Mayorkas's fealty to immigration and asylum law
enforcement.
The Grassley letter, citing anonymous employee allegations,
accused the top USCIS official of laying heavy-handed pressure on career
employees to squeeze out higher volumes of immigration application approvals
for the agency's "customers", while undermining fraud and
ineligibility detection efforts.
After receiving an "inadequate response" from
Mayorkas, Grassley's office interviewed seven employees, examined hundreds of
pages of supporting documents, and presented the results in the letter to
Secretary Napolitano.
"Unfortunately, the evidence suggests that Director
Mayorkas is fostering an environment that pressures employees to approve as
many applications as possible and condones retaliation against those who
dissent," he wrote.
Among the inquiry's chief findings:
Mayorkas had become "visibly agitated" during
a visit to USCIS's California offices when told employees there wanted to
root out fraud. "Why would you be focusing on that instead of
approvals?" he reputedly demanded. A witness said "his message
was offensive to a lot of officers who are trained to detect fraud."
At a management conference, Mayorkas directed top
officials to find ways always to "get to yes" regarding
"customer" immigrants who filed visa applications. He told his
subordinates to "look at petitions from the perspective of the
customer" and that the goal was "zero complaints", implying
that approvals were the means to that end.
At a conference in Landsdowne, Va., Mayorkas said there
were some "managers with black spots on their hearts" who can't
see their way to grant benefits and that he was "dealing" with
them and also subordinates "too close" to them, with immediate
involuntary re-assignments.
The California USCIS office was told to abandon an
important anti-fraud measure that checked for high-risk applicants on a
government database, and fraud specialists had to stop investigating such
applications.
Perhaps as preemptive strike against any recollection of
Grassley's 2010 letter, the latest media reporting about the Mayorkas DHS
secretary nomination praises his ostensible track record of going after
immigration fraud.
The Washington Post story allowed an
unchallenged quote from John Sandweg, a former acting ICE director who served
with Mayorkas, saying "One of the things Mayorkas was proudest of creating
was the USCIS Fraud Detection and National Security Directorate [FDNS], to
emphasize that vetting was crucial in giving out immigration benefits."
In fact, the FDNS was created as a small unit in 2004 with
the creation of USCIS after 9/11 exposed severe systemic flaws easily exploited
by terrorists. Further, while he may have signed an order to upgrade FDNS from
a unit to a directorate, Government Accountability Office (GAO) reports about
rampant asylum fraud and lack of prosecution during the Mayorkas years beg to differ
with claims that he was ever interested in effectively vetting applications.
A damning December 2015 GAO report found
that FDNS asylum fraud prosecutions rarely, if ever, occurred during the
Mayorkas years. It found that half of the eight USCIS field divisions had
referred either one fraud case to U.S. attorney's offices from 2010 to 2014 or
none at all. One office reported that not a single referral had been accepted
in the prior two years. Another reported that its U.S. attorney had accepted no
asylum fraud referrals since 2010.
Besides strong-arming USCIS employees to "get to
yes" instead of valid denials or fraud investigations, another reason for
this dismal showing during Mayorka's 2010-2013 USCIS years was that the very
FDNS directorate heralded in the Post story was never allowed to refer cases to
prosecutors, subpoena witnesses, or even carry guns.
Under a 2008 memorandum of understanding that Mayorkas would
have freshly inherited, the FDNS asylum
fraud unit was required always to refer fraud cases to ICE
Homeland Security Investigations officers, making them subordinate to ICE's
enforcement priorities and limited resources. In practice, asylum fraud cases
had to compete with many more attention-getting types of cases, such as human smuggling
and trafficking, transnational gangs, and intellectual property theft. Even had
the FDNS officers been allowed to do their own asylum fraud investigation jobs,
there were only 34 of the shackled officers by 2015 to cover eight field
offices nationwide, which processed hundreds of thousands of cases annually,
the GAO report found.
Contrary to any effort to pitch him today as an asylum fraud
crusader, Mayorkas did little or nothing either to free the FDNS investigators,
add to their ranks, or generate more fraud case referrals.
In his 2010 letter, Grassley asked for documents and data
that would help verify the allegations, but nothing that came of the request
stalled Mayorkas's fortunes. He served several more years, his standing among
Democratic leaders serving him well through a far more serious ethics
investigation by the DHS Office of Inspector General.
The Inspector General's Investigation of Mayorkas
The DHS Office of Inspector General (OIG) investigation centered
around Mayorkas's alleged interference in the already fraud-riddled and abused
EB-5 visa program by which wealthy foreigners can essentially achieve U.S.
residency and eventual citizenship if they invest $500,000 (raised since his
tenure to $900,000) in the U.S.
The OIG case launched in 2012 on the strength of "an
extraordinary number of DHS employees" who came forward to report that
Mayorkas was providing "special access and special favors" to a
handful of EB-5 visa applicants who were wealthy foreign national associates of
powerful U.S. Democratic figures and office-holders doing the asking.
Many of the investors seeking EB-5 visas were Chinese
nationals hoping to sink millions into:
1.Film projects with connections to
former Democratic Pennsylvania Governor Edward Rendell, the mayor of Los
Angeles, and Hollywood businessmen in late 2011.
2.A hotel and casino project in Las
Vegas that was being pushed by U.S. Democratic Sen. Harry Reid in 2013 on
behalf of some law clients of the senator's son, Rory.
3.An industrial investment fund's
proposed hybrid vehicle factory in Virginia promoted by former Virginia
Governor Terry McAuliffe and Hillary Clinton's brother, Anthony Rodham, from
2011 through 2013.
The OIG concluded that in these three cases Mayorkas
"exerted improper influence in the normal processing and
adjudication" of the visas, "inserted himself in unprecedented
ways" in the adjudication process, and "intervened with the career
USCIS staff in ways that clearly benefited the stakeholders.
"In each of these three instances, but for Mr.
Mayorkas's intervention", the report summary noted, "the matter would
have been decided differently."
None of the visa applicants would ever consent to OIG
interviews, nor were the investigators ever able to find Mayorkas's emails and
internal communications.
Mayorkas has always
disputed the findings of improper intervention, saying he took
a hands-on approach in cases only to strengthen the program's integrity.
Commutation of a Drug Trafficker's Sentence
A 2001 episode from Mayorkas's last days as a U.S. attorney
in the central California district has less to do with immigration, but is
relevant in that it speaks to an apparent willingness to bend rules for the
Democratic Party powerful.
Mayorkas allegedly used the weight of his office and access
to the Clinton White House to request commutation of a convicted drug dealer's
federal prison sentence. President Clinton followed through with the
commutation of a 15-year cocaine-trafficking sentence in 1994 for Carlos
Vignali, Jr.
The intervention happened after Vignali's Los Angeles
real-estate developer father, Horacio, rounded up an array of powerful
Democratic political and civic leaders to pressure Mayorkas to help the cause,
a 2002
congressional investigative report concluded.
Among those the senior Vignali enlisted was another
Hillary Clinton brother, Hugh Rodham, who received $204,000 to
successfully connect White House staff to Vignali's network of Democratic
leaders in Los Angeles.
"U.S. Attorney Alejandro Mayorkas provided critical
support for the Vignali commutation that was inappropriate, given his
position," the congressional report stated. "Mayorkas, the top
federal prosecutor in Los Angeles, was asked by Horacio Vignali to call the
White House in support of his son's clemency petition. Mayorkas then called the
White House about the Vignali commutation" and later conceded that
"his call conveyed support for the Vignali commutation ... despite his
knowledge that the prosecutors responsible for the Vignali case opposed
clemency."
Perhaps more troubling, during his 2013 Senate hearing,
Mayorkas provided lawmakers with an alternative set of facts when asked. He
testified under oath that the Clinton White House initiated the phone call, not
Mayorkas, and that "I informed them that I did not support the
commutation."
Mayorkas declined interview requests for a 2015 Wall
Street Journal story about the "conflicting versions"
he provided different government overseers.
A More Complete Portrait
Mayorkas' total service need not be judged entirely by the
blemishes on his public service record. His relatively unmarred three years as
DHS's deputy secretary expanded Mayorkas's range of expertise beyond
immigration to, for instance, cybersecurity and domestic counterterrorism, his
particular interest in funneling security grants to combat anti-semitism much-praised.
But all indications so far show that
Mayorkas would spend time and effort on his immigration portfolio if confirmed.
Integrity and ethics issues like the unrelated Vigliano commutation episode
when Mayorkas was a U.S. attorney still need to be taken into account because
they transcend any particular policy area. The integrity problems and
management tactics of Mayorkas's not-so-distant past demonstrate his
problematic susceptibility to bend convention to external lobbying. Given the
stakes invested in leadership of such a large and consequential public agency
as DHS, these all ought to be properly recounted and assessed.
NOT ONE OF THESE OPERATIONS ILLEGALLY HIRING
ILLEGALS WILL SEE JAIL TIME!
Feds: Plants that Hired
Illegal Aliens Paid Unlawful Wages, Hired a Child
Three
food processing plants in Mississippi, raided by the Immigration and Customs
Enforcement (ICE) agency last year, were found to have also paid workers below
the minimum wage and one plant hired a child.
In August
2019, ICE agents conducted the largest workplace raid in United States
history across seven food processing plants in Mississippi, arresting 680
illegal aliens. That same day, though, ICE officials said they released about
300 of the illegal workers back into the U.S. on “humanitarian grounds,”
while more than 200 had prior criminal records.
Three of the plants ICE
raided — Peco Foods Inc., Koch Foods, and Pearl River Foods LLC —
were hit with Labor Department
violations for paying workers below the minimum wage and, in one case, hiring a
child.
According to Labor Department officials, the three plants have
paid nearly $48,000 in back wages to 129 workers as part of their settlement.
At Pearl River Foods, officials said the plant made illegal deductions from
workers’ paychecks.
At Koch Foods, the plant refused to provide many of its workers
with bonuses for overtime work that resulted in their paychecks falling below
the minimum wage. Koch Foods was also hit with a child labor requirement
violation after they were found to have hired a 15-year-old minor to do meat
processing work.
As Breitbart News has chronicled, the plants raided last year
have faced little-to-no penalties for hiring hundreds of illegal aliens
primarily from Mexico and Central America. Of the 680 illegal aliens arrested
in the raids, fewer than 130 have been charged with crimes and less than 80
have been convicted thus far.
Likewise, only four managers from two of the plants
have been charged with knowingly hiring illegal aliens. None of the executives
at the seven total plants raided have been charged with a crime more than a
year later.
ICE officials confirmed months ago that at least 400 American
citizens had their identities stolen so that the hundreds of illegal aliens
could fraudulently gain employment at the plants.
Federal affidavits, as
Breitbart News noted, allege that the plant
employers were fully aware that hundreds of their employees were illegally in
the U.S., and in some cases, illegal aliens said they were not asked for work
authorization documents.
Today, at
least eight million illegal aliens hold American jobs in the U.S. economy that
would have otherwise gone to Americans. In most cases, these illegal aliens
obtain fraudulent work authorization documents or steal American
citizens’ identities in order to take jobs.
John Binder is a reporter for
Breitbart News. Follow him on Twitter at @JxhnBinder.
Joe Biden Picks
Pro-Migration Swamper for Top DHS Slot
Former Vice
President Joe Biden will nominate Alejandro Mayorkas to run the Department of
Homeland Security (DHS), despite his role in creating huge Latin American
migration and his involvement in several visas-for-sale scandals.
Mayorkas “is a gift for Republicans who want to make an issue of
Biden’s immigration policies,” said Jessica Vaughn, at the Center for
Immigration Studies. She continued:
He is the exact kind of nominee that people didn’t want to see —
someone in favor of corporate interests on immigration, of looking the other
way on fraud, of rubber-stamping every [migration] application. This should be
an easy softball for them to hit out of the park. This is something that’s
going to be helpful to them in the Georgia Senate races — I mean, [Sen. David]
Perdue [R-GA] and [Sen. Kelly] Loeffler [R-GA] should be commenting on this.
All of the stars align here — cronyism, corruption, swampiness,
and the immigration issue.
Mayorkas is a Cuban immigrant who ran President Barack
Obama’s U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services from 2009 to 2014. The
Senate approved him on a party-line vote to serve as deputy chief to DHS.
During his term in office, he won acclaim from pro-migration
groups as he reduced fraud detection projects and maximized migration inflows.
But his open-door policy exploded in 2014 as a flood of 350,000
migrants — including 68,000 youths and children — from Latin America and Mexico
arrived to accept the welcome offered by Mayorkas and Obama. For example, a
July 2014 AP poll of 1,044 Americans showed 68
percent disapproval of Obama’s immigration policies, up eight points after
March 2014. The “wrong track” number spiked to 72 percent, up ten points after
March.
Obama’s policies imported more than 2 million migrants to
compete for blue-collar jobs, reducing wages for lower-skilled Americans.
Many polls show the public likes individual immigrants and
conditionally tolerates
migration —
providing it does not cost Americans jobs or money. Under President Donald
Trump’s pro-American, lower-immigration policies, Americans’ median household
income rose 7 percent in 2019. In 2020, many lower-skilled Americans — including
many Latinos —
voted for Trump to help prevent another flood of cheap labor.
Advocates for cheap labor applauded Mayorkas’s nomination.
Those of us who want to see
a bigger, stronger, and better America are waiting to help you do the right
thing. https://t.co/DBejYXp8eY
Mayorkas’s focus on maximizing immigration into Americans’
neighborhoods and job markets was spotlighted by a November
2010 letter to
DHS from Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-IA):
Unfortunately, the evidence suggests that Director Mayorkas is
fostering an environment that pressures employees to approve as many
applications as possible and condones retaliation against those who dissent.
According to the USCIS employees:
During a recent visit to the CSC, Director Mayorkas became
“visibly agitated” when advised that the employees were interested in learning
more about fraud detection efforts. Mayorkas asked, “Why would you be focusing
on that instead of approvals.” One witness stated that “his message was
offensive to a lot of officers who are trained to detect fraud.”
Mexico's ambassador wants
the US President to restart world migration into Americans' jobs.
The US needs amnesties, refugees, asylum seekers, and temporary workers, she
says.
Besides, "we are seeing … building pressure" in Central America, she
says. https://t.co/MVD619agXG
In 2015, a report by the DHS Inspector
General (IG) said Mayorkas “intervened improperly” in several decisions involved
the distribution of valuable visas:
In three matters pending before USCIS, however, Mr. Mayorkas
communicated with stakeholders on substantive issues, outside of the normal
adjudicatory process, and intervened with the career USCIS staff in ways that
benefited the stakeholders. In each of these three instances, but for Mr.
Mayorkas’ intervention, the matter would have been decided differently.
We were unable to determine Mr. Mayorkas’ motives for his
actions.
“An IG report found that he behaved that he acted improperly —
and this was Obama’s IG report!” said Vaughan. “He’s a total transactional
guy,” she added.
Once he finishes his term at DHS, “he will monetize his
appointment for sure — maybe even while he’s there, considering how he
behaved before.”
Labor Dept. says the
visa-worker programs are “highly susceptible to fraud” – and have been for at
least 17 years.
So that's a generation of American grads losing careers & income to
corporate fraud.
Journalism grads entirely missed this fraud. #H1Bhttps://t.co/0gcM3YSJjz
Immigration advocates celebrated the announcement that
President-elect Joe Biden intends to nominate Alejandro Mayorkas as secretary
of the Department of Homeland Security.
Mayorkas, who previously served as deputy secretary of DHS under
President Barack Obama, is the son of Cuban Jews who fled Fidel Castro’s
regime and arrived in the United States as refugees in 1960, less than a year
after he was born. If confirmed, he would become the first immigrant and first
Hispanic American to lead the sprawling department, which, among its various
responsibilities, oversees the U.S. immigration system and border security.
“This nomination is not only smart, it is historic,” Benjamin
Johnson, executive director of the American Immigration Lawyers
Association, said in a statement issued Monday.
“He will not only bring critical leadership but a set of life experiences that
will animate the department’s work ahead.”
Johnson said that apart from Mayorkas’s personal background, he
was reassured by his record on immigration issues during the Obama administration,
especially his key role in creating the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals,
or DACA, program, which protects certain immigrants who were raised in the U.S.
from deportation. Johnson said this was a hopeful sign that the incoming Biden
administration may go even beyond Biden’s pledge to reverse the controversial
immigration restrictions imposed under President Trump.
Prior to becoming deputy
secretary of DHS in 2013, Mayorkas served as director
of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, or USCIS, where he worked on a
number of policy initiatives, including DACA, which, at its peak, provided
protection from deportation for roughly 800,000 undocumented immigrants brought
to the U.S. by their parents as young children.
Trump has sought to end the program.
“The news that Mayorkas will be nominated as DHS secretary is
another hopeful sign for Dreamers and a signal that the Biden administration is
ready to deliver on its commitments for Dreamers and to strengthen America in
the process,” said Candy Marshall, president of TheDream.US, which provides
college scholarships to DACA recipients, sometimes known as “Dreamers.”
Erika Andiola, chief advocacy officer for RAICES, a nonprofit
that provides legal services to low-income immigrants, said in a statement, “We
look forward to the immediate expansion of the DACA program and the dismantling
of the detention and deportation machine that was created under Obama and
expanded by Trump.
“Leading this department will be no easy task, but we hope that
as the first Latino and someone who has advocated for immigrant rights, he will
change the direction of DHS once and for all,” said Andiola.
Alejandro
Mayorkas speaks at the Queen theater in Wilmington, Del., on Tuesday. (Carolyn
Kaster/AP)
The news of Mayorkas’s forthcoming nomination was also praised
by organizations that provide services to refugees and asylum seekers, whose
access to protections in the U.S. has been curtailed by the Trump
administration. HIAS, a Jewish American nonprofit that provides humanitarian
aid to refugees, issued a statement Monday congratulating
Mayorkas, who sits on the organization’s board of directors. Not only is
Mayorkas himself a refugee, but his mother, a Romanian Jew, fled Nazi
persecution to Cuba, where she met Mayorkas’s father, a Cuban native with
Sephardic roots.
Mayorkas, who grew up in Los Angeles, spent 10 years as an
assistant U.S. attorney in the Central District of California, where he
specialized in prosecuting white-collar crimes, including the high-profile tax
evasion and money laundering case against “Hollywood Madam” Heidi Fleiss. In
1998, he was appointed by President Bill Clinton as the United States attorney
for the Central District of California, becoming at age 38 the youngest U.S. attorney in the country.
In his first public statement following the announcement,
Mayorkas already seemed to strike a markedly different tone from the rotating
cast of officials who’ve been installed (lawfully and otherwise) at the helm of DHS over the
last four years.
“When I was very young, the United States provided my family and
me a place of refuge,” Mayorkas tweeted Monday afternoon.
“Now, I have been nominated to be the DHS Secretary and oversee the protection
of all Americans and those who flee persecution in search of a better life for
themselves and their loved ones.”
Though Trump’s DHS has largely been focused on carrying out the
administration’s agenda of restricting immigration and toughening enforcement
at the southern border, the department is also responsible for cybersecurity,
combating terrorism, and disaster prevention and response.
The website
for WilmerHale, an international law firm where Mayorkas has most recently
been employed as a litigator, says Mayorkas “currently leads WilmerHale’s
COVID-19 Coronavirus Task Force,” citing his “experience leading the US
Department of Homeland Security’s response to Ebola and Zika.” The task force was created to help the
firm’s corporate clients deal with various labor, worker safety and employment
issues stemming from the pandemic.
Alejandro
Mayorkas and then-Vice President Joe Biden attend a naturalization ceremony in
Atlanta in 2013. (Chris McKay/WireImage)
Democratic leaders on both the House and Senate committees that
oversee DHS also expressed their support for Biden’s pick.
“Our nation faces persistent threats, both longstanding and new,
including foreign and domestic terrorism, natural disasters, cyber-attacks, and
now a pandemic,” Sen. Gary Peters, D-Mich., the ranking member of the Homeland
Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, said in a statement. “The
Department of Homeland Security plays a critical role in addressing these
threats and strengthening our national security, and it needs highly qualified,
experienced and dedicated leaders, like Mr. Mayorkas — especially following
years of chaos and mismanagement.”
Rep. Bennie G. Thompson, D-Miss., who serves as chairman of the
House Homeland Security Committee, also hailed Mayorkas as “a seasoned leader
and veteran of DHS” whose experience “makes him uniquely qualified to build DHS
back better after years of neglect and being used as a political weapon by
President Trump.”
“Mr. Mayorkas will need our support with what will certainly be
a full plate: from the rise of domestic terrorism and the coronavirus pandemic
to cyber threats to our infrastructure and the fallout from the Trump
Administration’s failed border and immigration policies,” Thompson said in a
statement. “I urge the Senate to act expeditiously on this nomination as DHS
has been without permanent leadership for over a year and a half.”
Since President Trump took office in 2017, five people have
served as the head of DHS, only two of whom were confirmed by the Senate. In
November, a federal judge ruled that the current
acting secretary, Chad Wolf, had been illegally appointed to that post.
Then-Deputy
Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkas with then-President Barack
Obama at the White House in 2014. (Jonathan Ernst/Reuters)
Though a press release from the Biden transition team noted that
Mayorkas has already been confirmed by the Senate for three previous
positions, the Washington Post suggested that
Mayorkas’s role in the development of DACA could hurt him with Republicans, who
might also bring up a 2015
DHS Office of Inspector General report that found that
he “exerted improper influence” in helping certain foreign investors in
the EB-5 program, which offers employment
visas and easier access to a green card for foreign nationals who make
significant investments in U.S. businesses.
The report alleged that as USCIS director, Mayorkas acted
“outside the normal adjudicatory process” to intervene in three specific EB-5
cases at the behest of high-ranking Democrats “in ways that benefited the
stakeholders.” The cases involved companies with ties to then-Senate Majority
Leader Harry
Reid, former Democratic National Committee Chair Terry
McAuliffe, and Ed Rendell, the former Democratic governor of
Pennsylvania.
In 2013, while the inspector general’s office was conducting its
investigation into the allegations, Senate Republicans boycotted Mayorkas’s
confirmation hearing for deputy DHS secretary, arguing that he should not be
confirmed until the probe into his conduct was completed.
According to ABC News, during those
confirmation hearings, which went forward without the Republican members, who
then held a minority in the Senate, Mayorkas called the allegations “unequivocally
false.” Mayorkas was confirmed for the deputy director role and he disputed the OIG’s findings when
they were released in the report two years later.
Then-Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson issued a statement
defending Mayorkas at the time, as did Jim Pasco, the executive director of
the Fraternal Order of Police, who called him “a man of impeccable integrity”
and argued that “the inspector general’s office has squandered two and a half
years on an investigation and couldn’t come up with something substantive and
had to say something.” Fox News reported Tuesday that
a Biden transition spokesperson said the OIG’s report did not find any legal
wrongdoing by Mayorkas, and that his actions helped create and preserve
American jobs.
_____
OPEN BORDERS
AND A NATION FLOODED WITH ‘CHEAP’ LABOR
Former Vice
President Joe Biden will nominate Alejandro Mayorkas to run the Department of
Homeland Security (DHS), despite his role in creating huge Latin American
migration and his involvement in several visas-for-sale scandals.
Business groups are already pushing GOP Senators to approve Alejandro Mayorkas as Joe Biden’s homeland security secretary.
The group is touting Mayorkas’ confirmation as support for “Dreamers” — the younger migrants illegally brought into the United States before 2007.
But if the GOP blocks Mayorkas from getting the top job at the Department of Homeland Security, the defeat will demonstrate broad opposition to the low-wage, high-profit economy favored by Mayorkas and his amnesty supporters, and by many of Biden’s deputies and pro-migration donors.
The November 30 letter by roughly 100 business groups and companies said:
This important and welcomed selection by President-elect Biden signals his commitment to protecting Dreamers, and we look forward to working with his administration on common sense proposals that will provide legal certainty for Dreamers and avoid significant disruptions to the American workforce and economy.
The pro-Mayorkas coalition describes itself as the “Coalition for the American Dream.” It includes many companies that have outsourced white-collar jobs to India’s visa workers, as well as companies that gain when a flood of migrant labor prevents a wage-boosting shortage of American workers.
The members include the National Association of Manufacturers, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Marriott International, Amazon, Cisco, the National Milk Producers Federation, Microsoft, Ikea, Google, Facebook, Doordash, and the National Retail Federation.
The group is backed by FWD.us, an advocacy group created by Mark Zuckerberg and other investors. The group was founded in 2013 to expand the federal government’s economic policy of importing cheap immigrant labor and welfare-aided immigrant consumers.
The Democrats are backing Mayorkas, even though there is minimal public support — and declining Democratic support — for cheap labor immigration policies. Just 19 percent of all voters support the establishment’s preference for importing foreign workers, and 66 percent prefer the populist demand for “businesses to raise [Americans’] pay and try harder to recruit non-working Americans,” according to Rasmussen Reports.
Under Trump’s reduced immigration policies, median household income jumped seven percent in 2019. Also, Trump’s populist policies helped create a huge GOP turnout in 2020, so boosting GOP seats in the House and blocking Democrat gains in state legislatures.
The business groups know their cheap labor agenda is unpopular and a threat to politicians’ reelection.
So their three-cornered strategy is to rush the amnesty through Congress as an early win for Biden, to rationalize the amnesty as a quick boost for the national economy (but not for individual workers), and to stigmatize the public opposition by insisting the amnesty repays a moral debt to illegal migrants.
“One of the things we all experienced during [the tenure of President Barack Obama] was that immigration was pushed for later,” according to Alida Garcia, the vice president of advocacy for the investors at FWD.us. “The later you go, the harder everything gets because [legislators] people prioritize their own reelection,” she told CNN for a November 29 article.
“This is a must-prioritize now as both an economic driver for this nation that is dealing with a crisis. … And a moral driver after the harm that’s been done to immigrants by the Trump administration,” Garcia told CNN.
Mayorkas’ nomination will be reviewed by the Senate’s homeland defense committee, likely chaired by Sen. Rob Portman, R-Ohio.
Portman is up for reelection in 2022. and voted against Mayorkas in 2013. The other GOP members include Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky.; James Lankford, R-Okla; Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah; Sen Mike Enzi, R-Wyo.; Rick Scott, R-Fla.; and Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo.
Mayorkas’ questionable record includes several visas-for-sale scandals, the disregard of migrant fraud, and his encouragement of the huge migration of Latin American migrants into U.S. jobs and neighborhoods.
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