HERE THEY COME! JOE BIDEN'S UNREGISTERED DEM VOTERS! - Honduran Child Sex Offender Arrested in Michigan 6 Months After Deportation

 "The American Southwest seems to be slowly returning to the jurisdiction of Mexico without firing a single shot."  --- Excelsior, the national newspaper of Mexico

“The radicals seek nothing less than secession from the United States whether to form their own sovereign state or to reunify with Mexico. Those who desire reunification with Mexico are irredentists who seek to reclaim Mexico's "lost" territories in the American Southwest.” Maria Hsia Chang Professor of Political Science, University of Nevada Reno

"This is country belongs to Mexico" is said by the Mexican Militant. This is a common teaching that the U.S. is really AZTLAN, belonging to Mexicans, which is taught to Mexican kids in Arizona and California through a LA Raza educational program funded by American Tax Payers via President Obama, when he gave LA RAZA $800,000.00 in March of 2009!

Honduran Child Sex Offender Arrested in Michigan 6 Months After Deportation

File Photo: U.S. Border Patrol/Laredo Sector

BOB PRICE

2 Nov 20210

2:35

Border Patrol agents in Detroit, Michigan, arrested a Honduran man after learning he re-entered the United States less than six months after being deported. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers removed the man in June.

Detroit Station Border Patrol agents received information that a Honduran man convicted in a sex crime against a child under the age of 13 years had illegally re-entered the U.S. after being deported. Agents responded to the intelligence provided by a concerned citizen and arrested 51-year-old Juan Dias-Pineda, according to information obtained from Detroit Sector Border Patrol officials.

Detroit Sector Acting Chief Patrol Agent Robert Simon tweeted a mugshot of the Honduran national following his arrest in White Lake Township, a suburb of Detroit.

A court convicted Dias-Pineda in April 2020 for “criminal sexual conduct with a person under thirteen years old,” officials reported. The report did not disclose the location of the court or where the crime took place.

Following a sentence of 207 days in jail and an order of five years of probation, an immigration judge orders his removal in May. ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations officers deported the convicted child sex offender to Honduras on June 9, 2021.

“Our streets are safer with the criminal off the streets and out of our community,” Detroit Sector Acting Chief Patrol Agent Robert B. Simon said in a written statement. “I am extremely proud of the fast and professional work these Agents completed in a small timeframe to remove him from the streets of Michigan.”

Dias-Pineda now faces a federal felony charge of illegal re-entry after removal as a child sex offender. If convicted on the charge, he could face up to 20 years in federal prison.

Bob Price serves as associate editor and senior news contributor for the Breitbart Texas-Border team. He is an original member of the Breitbart Texas team. Price is a regular panelist on Fox 26 Houston’s What’s Your Point? Sunday-morning talk show. Follow him on Twitter @BobPriceBBTX and Facebook.

Survey: Elite-Imposed Migration Is Transforming National Politics

PEDRO PARDO/AFP/Getty Images

NEIL MUNRO

1 Nov 20210

8:27

Many Democrats want to see American society transformed by migration and diversity, according to a survey by the left-leaning Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI).

“More than six in ten Democrats (64%), mostly agree that they prefer the U.S. to be made up of people from all over the world” — instead of from American families and communities, said the survey, titled “Competing Visions of America: An Evolving Identity or a Culture Under Attack? Findings from the 2021 American Values Survey.”

The late-September survey asked 2,508 Americans about various aspects of immigration and diversity. The results showed that Democrats are becoming increasingly radical but also that more Republicans are openly opposing their planned demographic replacement — and that Latinos increasingly dislike imposed diversity.

For example, more Republicans are resisting the nation’s open-door policy, according to the poll:

Republicans (28%) are less likely to have positive views of immigrants today than they were in 2018 (34%) and in 2011 (39%), and have grown more likely to believe that immigrants threaten American values (71% today, 65% in 2018, and 55% in 2011).

‘Two-thirds of Republicans (65%) say instead that immigrants are a burden because they take jobs, housing, and health care,” the report said.

But the survey also reported that “more than eight in ten Democrats (82%) say that immigrants strengthen the country because of their hard work and talents.”

PRRI president Robert Jones spotlighted the huge shift in American politics since the 1950s-era.

Back then, domestic politics were dominated by left vs. rights arguments over how to distribute the huge profits generated by the nation’s huge manufacturing economy.

Those class-and-wages politics continue, but they get little attention from the establishment media since the bipartisan establishment doubled immigration in 1990. That doubling helped to stagnate wages, supercharge the stock market, and also shifted media coverage onto the “diversity” disputes that are used to break up the social norms developed by Americans to help share civic and economic wealth.

“Increasingly, this what American elections have been about — less about particular policies and more about who we are …, [and] ‘Are we kind of an evolving identity or are we a culture that’s been under attack?'” Jones said in a press briefing on November 1:

 What we’re struggling over, I think in the bigger debates in the country, is “What is America about? Was there a golden age right for America?” and we’re seeing this very different vision among Democrats and Republicans.

Democrats have moved left on immigration and diversity since 2012, largely because they followed their Democratic leaders, who have increasingly championed the claim that the United States is a diversifying “Nation of Immigrants,” not of Americans. This stance has also prompted Democrats to revive racial demands so they can argue that Americans’ culture must be transformed by migrants and diversity.

For example, the Democrats’ candidate for governor in Virginia called on November 1 for a dramatic reduction in the percentage of teachers who are white: “Fifty percent are students of color and yet 80 percent of teachers are white: We all know what we have to do …. to make everybody feel comfortable,” he threatened.

Democrats are signaling they are more comfortable with the demographic and cultural changes caused since immigration numbers were doubled in the 1990 bipartisan deal between President George H.  Bush and Democratic Sen. Ted Kennedy. The survey said:

[Only] three in ten Democrats (31%) agree with the idea that things have changed so much that they often feel like strangers in their own country, compared to 39% of independents and 56% of Republicans.

There is nearly a 50-percentage-point gap between Republicans (80%) and Democrats (33%) on this question. Independents mirror all Americans closely (50% agree vs. 49% disagree). 

One reason for the Democrats’ comfort amid diversity is that their coalition is increasingly based on the groups that oppose Americans and their pro-solidarity norms. Those groups include religious minorities, status-seeking college progressives, immigrant cultural minorities, comfortable suburbanites, investors, and corporate employers.

“Democrats are four times more likely to say the decline of the white population in the 2020 Census is mostly positive vs. negative (39% vs. 9%),”  the survey noted.

In contrast, Republicans “are more than five times less likely to say this change is positive vs. negative (6% vs. 33%),” the report said.

The poll showed that college-educated Americans are especially eager to welcome lower-status and often compliant migrants:  “White Americans with college degrees are more likely than those without college degrees to hold positive opinions of newcomers (69% vs. 43%).”

That Democrats’ pro-diversity policy may shift back towards the center if more college-graduate voters object to government-fueled hiring discrimination, or if Latino voters continue their shift towards the populist wing of the GOP.

But the survey shows that Latino voters are increasingly skeptical about additional immigration, in part, because their wages are cut and their housing costs are increased: “Hispanic Americans are less likely to believe that newcomers strengthen American society today (62%) than they were in 2018 (72%) but remain similar to 2011 levels (64%).”

The PRRI poll argues that national public support for amnesty remains level as the two parties are moving further apart:

Democrats have grown more supportive of this [amnesty] policy, from 71% in 2013, when the question was first asked, to 76% today. Republicans have become less likely to say that immigrants living in the U.S. illegally should be allowed a way to become citizens provided they meet certain requirements (43%) than they were in 2013 (53%). Today, 13% of Republicans say they would prefer undocumented immigrants to be eligible for permanent residency status but not citizenship, and 44% say all immigrants living in the U.S. illegally should be deported.

The poll does not include any questions that highlight most Americans’ agreement that the government should favor Americans over immigrants, especially for jobs.

Many polls show that labor migration is deeply unpopular because it damages ordinary Americans’ career opportunities, cuts their wages, and raises their rents. Migration also curbs Americans’ productivity, shrinks their political clout, widens regional wealth gaps, and wrecks their democratic, compromise-promoting civic culture.

For many years, a wide variety of pollsters have shown deep and broad opposition to labor migration and the inflow of temporary contract workers into jobs sought by young U.S. graduates.

This opposition is multiracial, cross-sex, non-racist, class-based, bipartisan, rational, persistent, and recognizes the solidarity Americans owe to each other. The polling — and the census data — debunks the 1950s claim by Mayorkas and other advocates that Americans must live in a “nation of immigrants.”

Yet business and progressive groups repeatedly insist that 300 million Americans must subordinate their priorities to the goals of migrants. “Citizenship Day is a reminder that the job of every single one of us is to ensure that America remains a country worthy of immigrants’ aspirations,” President Joe Biden said in a September 17 video. The same pro-migrant message is being pushed by his border chief, Alexandria Mayorkas:

MULTICULTURALISM, IMMIGRATION AND AZTLAN

By Maria Hsia Chang Professor of Political Science, University of Nevada Reno

One of the standard arguments invoked by those in favor of massive immigration into the United States is that our country is founded on immigrants who have always been successfully assimilated into America's mainstream culture and society. As one commentator put it, "Assimilation evokes the misty past of Ellis Island, through which millions entered, eventually seeing their descendants become as American as George Washington."1 Nothing more vividly testifies against that romantic faith in America's ability to continuously assimilate new members than the events of October 16, 1994 in Los Angeles. On that day, 70,000 people marched beneath "a sea of Mexican flags" protesting Proposition 187, a referendum measure that would deny many state benefits to illegal immigrants and their children. Two weeks later, more protestors marched down the street, this time carrying an American flag upside down. Both protests point to a disturbing and rising phenomenon of Chicano separatism in the United States — the product of a complex of forces, among which are multiculturalism and a generous immigration policy combined with a lax border control. The Problem Chicanos refer to "people of Mexican descent in the United States" or "Mexican Americans in general." Today, there are reasons to believe that Chicanos as a group are unlike previous immigrants in that they are more likely to remain unassimilated and unintegrated, whether by choice or circumstance — resulting in the formation of a separate quasi-nation within the United States. More than that, there are Chicano political activists who intend to marry cultural separateness with territorial and political self-determination. The more moderate among them aspire to the cultural and political autonomy of "home rule". The radicals seek nothing less than secession from the United States whether to form their own sovereign state or to reunify with Mexico. Those who desire reunification with Mexico are irredentists who seek to reclaim Mexico's "lost" territories in the American Southwest.

Whatever their goals, what animates all of them is the dream of Aztlan. According to legend, Aztlan was the ancestral homeland of the Aztecs which they left in journeying southward to found Tenochtitlan, the center of their new civilization, which is today's Mexico City. Today, the "Nation of Aztlan" refers to the American southwestern states of California, Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, portions of Nevada, Utah, Colorado, which Chicano nationalists claim were stolen by the United States and must be reconquered (Reconquista) and reclaimed for Mexico. The myth of Aztlan was revived by Chicano political activists in the 1960s as a central symbol of Chicano nationalist ideology. In 1969, at the Chicano National Liberation Youth Conference in Denver, Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales put forth a political document entitled El Plan de Aztlan (Spiritual Plan of Aztlan). The Plan is a clarion call to Mexican-Americans to form a separate Chicano nation: In the spirit of a new people that is conscious not only of its proud historial heritage, but also of the brutal "gringo" invasion of our territories, we, the Chicano inhabitants and civilizers of the nothern land of Aztlan from whence came our forefathers ...declare that the call of our blood is...our inevitable destiny.... Aztlan belongs to those who plant the seeds, water the fields, and gather the crops, and not to the foreign Europeans. We do not recognize capricious frontiers on the bronze continent.... Brotherhood unites us, and love for our brothers makes us a people whose time has come .... With our heart in our hands and our hands in the soil, we declare the independence of our mestizo nation. We are a bronze people with a bronze culture. Before the world, before all of North America, before all our brothers in the bronze continent, we are a nation, we are a union of free pueblos, we are Aztlan.

How Chicanos are Unlike Previous Immigrants Brent A. Nelson, writing in 1994, observed that in the 1980s America's Southwest had begun to be transformed into "a de facto nation" with its own culture, history, myth, geography, religion, education, and language. Whatever evidence there is indicates that Chicanos, as a group, are unlike previous waves of immigrants into the United States. In the first place, many Chicanos do not consider themselves immigrants at all because their people "have been here for 450 years" before the English, French, or Dutch. Before California and the Southwest were seized by the United States, they were the lands of Spain and Mexico. As late as 1780 the Spanish crown laid claim to territories from Florida to California, and on the far side of the Mississippi up to the Great Lakes and the Rockies. Mexico held title to much of Spanish possessions in the United States until the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ended the Mexican-American war in 1848. As a consequence, Mexicans "never accepted the borders drawn up by the 1848 treaty."

That history has created among Chicanos a feeling of resentment for being "a conquered people," made part of the United States against their will and by the force of arms. Their resentment is amply expressed by Voz Fronteriza, a Chicano student publication, which referred to Border Patrol officers killed in the line of duty as "pigs (migra)" trying to defend "the false frontier."

Chicanos are also distinct from other immigrant groups because of the geographic proximity of their native country. Their physical proximity to Mexico gives Chicanos "the option of life in both Americas, in two places and in two cultures, something earlier immigrants never had." Geographic proximity and ease of transportation are augmented by the media. Radio and television keep the spoken language alive and current so that Spanish, unlike the native languages of previous immigrants into the United States, "shows no sign of fading."

A result of all that is the failure by Chicanos to be fully assimilated into the larger American society and culture. As Earl Shorris, author of Latinos: A Biography of the People, observed: "Latinos have been more resistant to the melting pot than any other group. Their entry en masse into the United States will test the limits of the American experiment...." The continuous influx of Mexican immigrants into the United States serve to continuously renew Chicano culture so that their sense of separateness will probably continue "far into the future...." There are other reasons for the failure of Chicano assimilation. Historically, a powerful force for assimilation was upward social mobility: Immigrants into the United States became assimilated as they rose in educational achievement and income. But today's post-industrial American economy, with its narrower paths to upward mobility, is making it more difficult for certain groups to improve their socioeconomic circumstances. Unionized factory jobs, which once provided a step up for the second generation of past waves of immigrants, have been disappearing for decades. Instead of the diamond-shaped economy of industrial America, the modern American economy is shaped like an hourglass. There is a good number of jobs for unskilled people at the bottom, a fair number of jobs for the highly educated at the top, but comparatively few jobs for those in the middle without a college education or special skills. To illustrate, a RAND Corporation study forecasts that 85 percent of California's new jobs will require post-secondary education. For a variety of reasons, the nationwide high-school dropout rate for Hispanics (the majority of whom are Chicano) is 30 percent — three times the rate for whites and twice the rate for blacks. Paradoxically, the dropout rate for Hispanics born in the United States is even higher than for young immigrants. Among Chicanos, high-school dropout rates actually rise between the second and third generations. Their low educational achievement accounts for why Chicanos as a group are poor despite being hardworking. In 1996, for the first time, Hispanic poverty rate began to exceed that of American blacks. In 1995, household income rose for every ethnic group except Hispanics, for whom it dropped 5 percent. Latinos now make up a quarter of the nation's poor people, and are more than three times as likely to be impoverished than whites. This decline in income has taken place despite high rates of labor-force participation by Latino men, and despite an emerging Latino middle class. In California, where Latinos now approach one-third of the population, their education levels are far lower than those of other immigrants, and they earn about half of what native-born Californians earn. This means that, for the first time in the history of American immigration, hard work is not leading to economic advancement because immigrants in service jobs face unrelenting labor-market pressure from more recently arrived immigrants who are eager to work for less. The narrowing of the pathways of upward mobility has implications for the children of recent Mexican immigrants. Their ascent into the middle-class mainstream will likely be blocked and they will join children of earlier black and Puerto Rican migrants as part of an expanded multiethnic underclass. Whereas first generation immigrants compare their circumstances to the Mexico that they left — and thereby feel immeasurably better off — their children and grandchildren will compare themelves to other U.S. groups. Given their lower educational achievement and income, that comparison will only lead to feelings of relative deprivation and resentment. They are unlikely to be content as maids, gardeners, or fruit pickers. Many young Latinos in the second and third generations see themselves as locked in irremediable conflict with white society, and are quick to deride successful Chicano students as "wannabes." For them, to study hard is to "act white" and exhibit group disloyalty. That attitude is part of the Chicano culture of resistance — a culture that actively resists assimilation into mainstream America. That culture is created, reinforced, and maintained by radical Chicano intellectuals, politicians, and the many Chicano Studies programs in U.S. colleges and universities. As examples, according to its editor, Elizabeth Martinez, the purpose of Five Hundred Years of Chicano History, a book used in over 300 schools throughout the West, is to "celebrate our resistance to being colonized and absorbed by racist empire builders." The book calls the INS and the Border Patrol "the Gestapo for Mexicans."

For Rodolfo Acuna, author of Occupied America: The Chicano's Struggle Toward Liberation, probably the most widely assigned text in U.S. Chicano Studies programs, the Anglo-American invasion of Mexico was "as vicious as that of Hitler's invasion of Poland and other Central European nations...." The book also includes a map showing "the Mexican republic" in 1822 reaching up into Kansas and Oklahoma, and including within it Utah, Nevada, and everything west and south of there

"This is country belongs to Mexico" is said by the Mexican Militant. This is a common teaching that the U.S. is really AZTLAN, belonging to Mexicans, which is taught to Mexican kids in Arizona and California through a LA Raza educational program funded by American Tax Payers via President Obama, when he gave LA RAZA $800,000.00 in March of 2009!