Saturday, January 15, 2022

WHO KILLS POLICE? - BLACK AMERICA! - IT'S WAY PAST TIME TO GET REAL ABOUT BLACK VIOLENCE IN AMERICA. BLACKS ARE THE MOST VIOLENT AND RACIST SUBCULTURE IN THE WORLD - BLACK LIVES MATTER ONLY DOCUMENTS THIS

THE DEPRAVED GHETTO BLACK CULTURE IN AMERICA  - Is it the world’s most violent subculture?

https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2019/10/ghetto-black-violence-in-america-dr.html

Dr. Williams comments on another reality: that the rate of black homicide and armed robbery as well as other violent crimes are as is as much as 15–30 times more than whites

Consider that whites were approximately 70% of the population during this period while blacks were approximately 12%.  White people were 18% less likely to kill a police officer than their distribution in the population while black people were 29% more likely to kill a police officer than their distribution in the population. Put another way, black people were almost 2.5 times more likely to kill a police officer than would be expected from their distribution in the population.

Who kills the police?

Put “race of people shooting police” into Google and your will get page after page of the opposite results, the race or ethnicity of people shot by police.

This is obviously no accident. The media narrative is that police shoot people, mostly minorities, without justification.

The question of who shoots the police is one that the larger society is generally afraid to ask. To ask that question might shed a different light on who the police shoot because it would put the question into a larger context about criminality.

For the defund the police crowd and the progressive minions of distributive and restorative justice, it would undermine an empowering narrative that has enabled them to shackle the police while letting criminals run free without bail and being rewarded with pleas to lower offenses.

For as long as the police and the “system” can be viewed as victimizing minorities, these minorities can be viewed as victims and not criminals.

The data on who kills police are tracked by the FBI in its Law Enforcement Officers Killed and Assaulted program (LEOK). Year to year aggregations appear difficult to obtain, and the data I found are from 1980 to 2013, as compiled from LEOK by the Washington Post.

During this period, there were 2269 officers killed in what is described as felonious incidents, which are deaths in the line of duty occurring from criminal acts. There were 2,896 offenders. Of the people who killed police, 52% were white and 41% were black.

The Post article concluded from this that whites were  more likely to kill police than are blacks. This observation, regrettably, shows either a commitment to a phony narrative or why journalist students have a difficult time getting through a basic course in statistics.

Consider that whites were approximately 70% of the population during this period while blacks were approximately 12%.  White people were 18% less likely to kill a police officer than their distribution in the population while black people were 29% more likely to kill a police officer than their distribution in the population. Put another way, black people were almost 2.5 times more likely to kill a police officer than would be expected from their distribution in the population.

Police officers are not ignorant of who kills them. Police funerals are attended by officers from departments across state lines and police are well acquainted with officers being memorialized.

Moreover, it is not white supremacists calling for killing cops. “Off the pigs,” goes back to the Black Panther days of the 1960s. In 2015, protesters in St. Paul, Minnesota were holding a Black Lives Matter banner and chanting, “Pigs in a blanket, fry ‘em like bacon.”  You did not need a degree in criminal justice to understand what they meant albeit the obvious meaning was subsequently denied by BLM spokespersons and major media outlets.

In the wake of Minneapolis police officer Kim Porter shooting Duante Wright, one protester carried a pig’s head on a spike. None of his fellow protesters found this obscene. 

If that message wasn’t clear, the firebombing of a police union hall in Portland and the rioters in Washington, D.C. chanting “burn the precinct to the ground,” should have clarified it.

We are taught not to think in terms of collective guilt when it comes to identity groups, but when it comes to the police, the tragic behavior of some police is interpreted as representing all police.

Like lynchings in the Jim Crow South, if one police officer is at fault, then all are not only equally culpable but also legitimate targets of revenge. How else does one explain the assassinations of police sitting in patrol cars hundreds of miles from the scene of any protest?

So, if you’re a cop and you encounter a black person, your radar is going to start buzzing in a way that it won’t if you encounter a white person.

According to Office of Juvenile Justice (OJJDP for 2019) statistics for all ages, blacks are responsible for 37% of all violent crimes, 60% of all murders, 53% of all burglaries, and 42% of all illegal weapons possessions, even though they are about 12% of the population.

Contrast that with Asians who are six percent of the population and 1.6 percent of the crime rate. Moreover, Asians have a 5% higher poverty rate than blacks.

Obviously, the causes of criminal behavior are complex, controversial, and highly dependent on environmental and opportunistic factors. In addition, criminal justice statistics are based on arrests and arrests can be subject to discretion and reflection of police bias.

But cops on the street are not there to deal with root causes. Their perceptions of any situation are based on not only on individual experience but the shared experiences of other officers.  Consequently, cops, like the rest of us, make judgments honed from experience and perceptions of how society works.

To expect anything else is to expect police not to be human beings. Bromides about professionalism and training pale in comparison to gut instincts about survival.

If you stop someone whose demographic characteristics suggest a disproportionate involvement in criminal activities and illegal weapons possession, as well as a likelihood of killing you, your mindset is going to be influenced by that perception.

In a world where we have been made increasingly sensitive to identity and identity issues, how could it be otherwise?  After all, in university sensitivity sessions, if we see each other for our common humanity instead of our racial differences, we are racists by absurd definition.

The conflict between minority communities and the police is untenable and unacceptable. Police need to be made aware of policing bias, and minority communities need to be made aware that vilifying the police, resisting arrest, and killing officers will enhance the likelihood of tragedies on both sides.

Abraham H. Miller is an emeritus professor of political science, University of Cincinnati, and a distinguished fellow with the Haym Solomon Center.

Image: Pixabay


BLACK Man charged with beating, raping 101-year-old woman to be sentenced



BLACK Man accused of killing teenage girlfriend was out on bond in another murder case




Father was helping son with eviction before he was fatally shot, Las Vegas police say




BLACK Suspect captured after woman shot with 1-year-old in car




Young woman shot to death in Catonsville parking lot


Woke Racism

John H. McWhorter reveals how a new religion has betrayed Black America.

 

 6 comments

John McWhorter is a professor of linguistics, American studies, and music history at Columbia University. He has also published in numerous prestigious outlets, and he is currently an op-ed columnist at the New York Times. McWhorter is the son of a college administrator father and a professor mother. He attended Friends Select School, a private, a 189-year-old college-preparatory institution. In short, McWhorter is a highly accomplished member of the American elite. He is black. A man should never be reduced to a skin color. But we live in, as the apocryphal Chinese curse is alleged to say, "interesting times," and, so, yes, every mention of McWhorter's new book Woke Racism may skip his many accomplishments, and focus on his color.

"I know quite well," he writes, "that white readers will be more likely to hear out views like this when they're written by a black person, and I consider it nothing less than my duty as a black person to write this book … A version of this book written by a white writer would be blithely dismissed as racist." As McWhorter notes, he is accused of being "not really black."

McWhorter responds by reminding our Woke overlords, whom he calls "The Elect," that their very ideology insists that every black man in America is living under the oppressive boot of white supremacy. The New York Times published at least one op-ed by a black professor who insisted that being a professor is no escape from America's pervasive racism. Chris Lebron's June 16, 2020 op-ed was entitled, "White America Wants Me to Conform. I Won’t Do It. Even at Elite Universities, I Was Exposed to the Disease that Has Endangered Black Lives for So Long." So, yes, as McWhorter points out, by the Elect's own value system, he is indeed "black enough."

McWhorter has been producing necessary prose for decades; he should be required reading for American students. His essay entitled "Explaining the Black Education Gap" in Wilson Quarterly's summer, 2000 issue, is one of the boldest pieces about education I've ever read. I wish I could require every one of our Woke overlords to read McWhorter's June 11, 2020 piece in Quillette "Racist Police Violence Reconsidered." 

McWhorter is an exquisite wordsmith and Woke Racism's pages are replete with lapidary phrases that are destined to fill the book's Goodreads favorite quotes page. Some samples:

Woke racism, McWhorter writes, teaches blacks "that we are the first people in the history of the species for whom it is a form of heroism to embrace the slogan 'Yes, we can't.' … Black America has met nothing so disempowering – including the cops – since Jim Crow."

"For us, for us only, cries of weakness constitute a kind of strength, and for us only, what makes us interesting, what makes us matter, is a curated persona as eternally victimized souls … White people calling themselves our saviors make black people look like the dumbest, weakest, most self-indulgent human beings in the history of our species, and teach black people to revel in that status and cherish it as making us special. I am especially dismayed at the idea of this indoctrination infecting my daughters' sense of self."

"You can make a shark approaching you go away by bopping it on the nose … We need to, metaphorically, start bopping Elects on the nose when they come for us."

Woke Racism's main thrust is that Woke is a religion, and, as such, in McWhorter's understanding of what religion entails, the Elect are beyond the reach of reason. McWhorter provides a handy chart that outlines exactly how Woke demands are self-contradictory. Whether or not whites apologize to black people, whether whites remain silent or speak, whether whites move into or out of black neighborhoods, makes no difference. Each behavior, and others McWhorter lists, are racist. In short, there is no escape from the machinery of accusation. "The sense our society must make …  is tarring whites as racist and showing that you know that they are racist … anti-racism is everything regardless of logic."

Woke is not just a silly fad; it is destroying lives. "Being called a racist is all but equivalent to being called a pedophile." Americans, out of "simple terror," are "peeing themselves." Americans fear this accusation just as "the serf cowering under the threat of a disfiguring smash from the knout." The elect "are gruesomely close to Hitler's racial notions in their conception of an alien, blood-deep malevolent 'whiteness' in their simplistic conception of what it means to be 'black,' in their crude us-versus-them conception of how society works, as if we were all still rival bands of australopithecines."

McWhorter cites the dire fates of innocent people like Alison Roman, a New York Times food writer; Leslie Neal-Boylan, the dean of nursing at the University of Massachusetts, Lowell; David Shor, a data analyst at a consulting firm; and Greg Patton, a professor at USC Marshall, whose careers were damaged by trumped up, baseless Woke hysteria. These people, whose persecution made headlines, are not alone. McWhorter maintains an active YouTube presence with his fellow black conservative Glenn Loury, also an Ivy League professor. "Droves" of "students and professors" write to McWhorter and Loury, "frightened that this new ideology will ruin their careers, departments, or fields."

McWhorter vehemently rejects the Elect's insistence that America is a racist country. He documents how very far America has come from its racist past. The Elect cling to the idea that America is racist "because, with progress, the Elect lose their sense of purpose." Because of this need for a sense of purpose, McWhorter writes, no change would satisfy the Elect. If reparations were ever paid, the Elect would announce that no amount of money could ever compensate black people. McWhorter's friend announced on social media that he agrees with BLM. For this statement, he was "roasted." To say that one agrees with BLM implies that one might disagree, and any such implication is a racist thought crime.

McWhorter utterly rejects fictions concocted by the Elect to support the sense of purpose they receive from denigrating America. The Elect like to attribute the academic achievement gap to white racism. McWhorter writes, "Black boys do commit more violent offenses in public schools than other kids. Period." Because teachers are punished with the "racist" slur for reporting violent incidents committed by black boys, "underreporting of serious incidents" is "rampant." Not just teachers and fellow students are harmed. The black perpetrators are harmed themselves by the Elect's self-serving fiction. "to insist that bigotry is the only possible reason for suspending more black boys than white boys is to espouse harming black students."

The affirmative action practiced by college admission offices also harms black students. Selective colleges admit black students who are not prepared for their rigor. These students are more likely to drop out. Had these students been rejected in the first place, and been admitted to a less selective college, they might have persisted at a less demanding program and gotten a degree, and an easier path to a career.

Destructive condescension extends to the world beyond college. Nikole Hannah-Jones received a Pulitzer Prize for the 1619 Project, whose central claim is "quite simply false." "Someone has received a Pulitzer Prize for a mistaken interpretation of historical documents about which legions of actual scholars are expert," McWhorter points out.

If a black person attempts to be anything other than "not white," that black person's individuality is erased. A black person, to satisfy white patrons, must be a stereotype, not an individual. McWhorter asks his reader to name a black author who has written a non-fiction book on some subject other than blackness. He says that this is hard to do because the Elect want black people to focus on being pathetic victims of racism, not, say, experts on auto repair or Inca architecture.

McWhorter does not, though, reject all of Woke. He approves of statue removal, but they have to be the right statues. Remove Robert E. Lee and Woodrow Wilson; keep George Washington. McWhorter does not address the belief of many that Robert E. Lee is a mere Woke camel's nose under the tent, or, to mix a metaphor like a Martini, a mere Woke camel's nose on the sill of the Overton Window. The Woke chose Lee as an easy target. And then they moved on to chopping down or merely desecrating memorials to Hans Christian Heg, a Norwegian immigrant and abolitionist martyr who gave his entire life to ending slavery; Tadeusz Kosciuszko, a Polish freedom fighter who debated slavery with Thomas Jefferson and left money for the liberation of American slaves in his will; Miguel Cervantes, the author of Don Quixote, who was himself a slave; Thomas Jefferson, author of the document that made the abolitionist movement's victory inevitable; black soldiers who fought against slavery; and a Lincoln statue funded by former slaves. McWhorter himself reveals awareness of how, when it comes to Woke, one does not get to pick and choose. "This is not a buffet; the Elect is a prix fixe affair." McWhorter doesn't seem to realize that that Woke principle applies to statues.

McWhorter agrees with the Woke on the existence of white privilege, insisting that white "figures of authority" are like all other white people, and that white people are "not subject to stereotypes." Reading that, I wondered if McWhorter has ever had a real conversation with a poor or immigrant white person, and, given his biography, I feel it safe to guess that he has not. It really doesn't even require actual contact with non-elite whites to understand that "not subject to stereotypes" would be laughable were it not so callously irresponsible. I've met very few poor, white, Christian Southerners, but as a consumer of American culture, from "Tobacco Road" to Bill Maher's jokes, I know that poor, white, Christian Southerners are one of the most egregiously stereotyped and safe-to-hate populations in this country.

New York City will prioritize providing COVID treatment to non-whites over whites. Previously, governments prioritized non-whites in vaccine distribution. A black applicant to a college can have a much lower SAT score than a white one and receive admission, while the white applicant will be rejected. These facts and more call a universal and eternal "white privilege" into question.

McWhorter's vision of whites as being all pretty much the same, interchangeable, the "default," as he put it, is exposed when he says that the difference between Germans and Slavs is a "horizontal" difference, not a "vertical" difference of "who is hurting who" (sic). No self-aware German or Slav could read that sentence and not recognize McWhorter's lack of awareness. Germans have been aggressing against Slavs – the famous "Drang nach Osten" or "drive to the east" – for at least a millennium. Berlin was a Slavic settlement before it was German. In the twelfth century, Germans carried out a Slavic Crusade; they effectively erased the original Prussians, a non-Germanic people; they carried out a kulturkampf against Polish Catholics. The 1938 Russian film Alexander Nevsky depicts medieval Slavs fighting for their lives against invading Germanic people. The film roused Russians who had to fight invading German Nazis. In short, no, whites are not all just alike.

McWhorter cites real-world facts-on-the-ground to counter the idea that, as Ta-Nehisi Coates put it, "the total elimination of white supremacy" would solve whatever is "wrong with black people." In fact very well-meaning efforts by anti-racist whites have not produced the results desired. In 1987, Wall Street money manager George Weiss promised to pay college tuition for 112 black sixth graders. Their part of the bargain was to graduate high school, not do drugs, not have children before marriage, and not commit crimes. Weiss "also gave them tutors, workshops, and after-school programs, kept them busy in summer programs, and provided them with counselors … forty-five of the kids never made it through high school." Nineteen of the sixty-seven boys became felons. By 1999, "The forty-five girls had sixty-three children between them, and more than half had become mothers before the age of eighteen." These sad results were not caused by white racism, McWhorter argues, but rather because "these kids had been raised amid a different sense of what is normal than white kids in the burbs." The problem, McWhorter diagnoses, is "culture."

Nor is Weiss' experience a "fluke," McWhorter writes. In Kansas City, during the same time period, a $1.4 billion dollar effort was made to improve schools serving black students. "Dropout rates stayed the same, the achievement gap between white and black students sat frozen, and the schools ended up needing security guards to combat theft and violence."

McWhorter's book is more about description and analysis than prescription, but he includes a few short pages on what he thinks should be done to help black people. He offers three suggestions: end the war on drugs; teach reading using the phonics method, rather than the whole word method; and recommend trade schools rather than college. This reader did not see how McWhorter's three suggestions get around the problem of culture he describes so fearlessly in his other works. If a billion and a half dollars spent on improving schools resulted in negligible gains, it's not clear how phonics will move the needle.

I hope this review conveys the excellence to be found in McWhorter's book. I was not as enthused about this book as I'd hoped to be. There are two reasons.

As I was working on this review, 200 feet behind me, an eccentrically attired black woman was standing on a sidewalk, staring at a chain link fence. I first noticed her at ten a.m.; I don't know how long she'd been there before that. I checked on her frequently throughout the day. For seven hours, she stood staring at the chain link fence. Neighborhood children walked past the woman as if she were not there. They have learned young their skills for survival here.

I wondered if I could help the woman by talking to her. I'm white. The neighborhood is not. I might be perceived as a "Karen" and trouble, possibly violent, might ensue. Should I ignore her? I could not. Her insistent staring at the fence, hour after hour, broke my heart. Should I call the police? The police might say that she is not breaking the law and they can't do anything. Snow was predicted to begin to fall along with the night.

After she'd been out there for eight hours, an ambulance arrived. Uniformed personnel emerged and began to talk to her and also to a male who had arrived on the sidewalk shortly before the ambulance. He was sitting on a milk crate and drinking liquor. The ambulance blocked the narrow street completely. Residents could not drive in or out for about the next hour. The two resisted their rescuers for that hour, and finally succumbed. The ambulance drove off with them.

On another recent day, a black woman was walking down the middle of the street in revealing pajamas. She had no shoes. She was muttering incoherencies. Cars swerved. I pulled her out of the street, called 911, and stayed with her till help arrived.  

A mile and a half from where I worked on this review, Remy Lee, eight months pregnant, was shot to death in the street by Donqua Thomas, her baby daddy.

I watch children grow up from the innocence and promise of infancy into lives that very quickly descend into much more misery than is necessary. Why? That very culture that McWhorter dares name. We could change that culture tomorrow. A generation – twenty years – from now, there would be that many fewer women staring at chain link fences even as snow begins to fall; that many fewer taxpayer dollars devoted to their temporary and incomplete rescue.

I wish there had been less of a sense of cocktail party banter and more of a sense of urgency in McWhorter's book. Black people are being harmed by the lie that they are helpless victims and only white people can save them, and that harm is real and pressing and could be ended tomorrow. McWhorter wants short lists of prescriptions. No big programs. Here's half of my two-item list: consequences. Consequences for small things. Some residents in my building drop garbage randomly in the halls. That garbage includes the bones and skin of the chicken they are eating. If someone said to a young person, "You cannot just drop your garbage. You need to transport it to a trash can," and delivered consequences when and if that statement was ignored, much would change. Impulse control and a sense of duty to the wider society, an awareness that urinating in the elevator creates a clean-up job for the Hispanic janitorial crew, who don't deserve to be saddled with that, that impulse control, instilled young, can mature, in adulthood, to hesitation when a man feels the urge to shoot his baby momma.

The second item on my two-item list is love. Black parents must choose to love their black babies enough to graduate high school, to move into their own homes and support themselves with their own jobs, and commit to marriage with their co-parent, before producing those babies. To do less is abusive of black babies. Someone should be saying this to black parents. If that message were delivered and hit home, twenty years from now, one would have reason to hope that ghettoes would be on the verge of extinction.

My second problem with Woke Racism is its Christophobia. McWhorter's main argument is that Woke is a religion "eerily akin to devout Christianity." Woke Racism is like a palimpsest. One layer is an urbane take down of Woke written so charmingly it could almost be an anthology of Cole Porter lyrics. Underneath that layer McWhorter rants against Christianity and Christians. He says that Woke is like a "virus," a "fungus," a "little worm," and "smallpox." By extension, Christianity is all those things.

McWhorter flings the standard arsenal of accusations against Catholicism: witch burners! Inquisitors! Medieval throwbacks living in the Dark Ages! Resisters of science! Bigoted murderers of Muslims! Stupid blind followers of irrational ideas!

In response to McWhorter's belief that Catholics are all about witch trials, please see here and here. For the Inquisition, please see herehere, and here. For the use of "medieval" and "Dark Ages" as a slur implying that the Catholic Church imposed a reign of stupidity on Europe, see herehere, and here. For Catholicism as the enemy of science, see here and here. Regarding the charge that Catholics are "lesser humans," are irrational, hate-inflamed murderers of Muslims, see hereherehereherehere and here. Christians, McWhorter states, believe a Bible that "makes no sense" and that cannot be questioned. I invite him to read every introduction and every footnote here. Then read this and every other book in the series. Christians can't ask questions? Start reading here. Need something shorter? Here. Finally, regarding Christianity as foundational to Western Civilization, McWhorter should read Tom Holland's Dominion: How the Christian Revolution Remade the World.

McWhorter has no love for Protestants, either. His idea of a representational Protestant is Saturday Night Live's "Church Lady," ugly, hypocritical, and vicious. McWhorter mentions Cotton Mather, a Puritan clergyman implicated in the Salem Witch Trials, but not Robert Calef or William Milbourne, contemporaneous Christians who criticized Mather's role. McWhorter says that race hustler Robin DiAngelo is the Woke incarnation of Aimee Semple McPherson. In fact McPherson was a trailblazing Pentecostal preacher. She was a self-directed religious force before women could even vote, and many felt that women should not preach. A teenage bride, she traveled to China, where her missionary husband died of dysentery and malaria. She returned to the US and began a career as an iterant preacher. She and her two children were so poor that they slept in leaky tents and ate meals of canned corn. She set up soup kitchens, school lunch programs, and free clinics. She "alleviated suffering on an epic scale." Daniel Mark Epstein, McPherson's biographer, said he found no evidence of fraud in McPherson's unprecedented number of faith healings. In short, McPherson deserves respect for the hardships she undertook and for the good she did; her biography is not comparable to Robin DiAngelo's career.

McWhorter praises Jane Addams and Martin Luther King, two Nobel Peace Prize winners whose work was informed by Christianity. Christophobes can have their cake and eat it, too. McWhorter, like everyone, has his own belief system: human progress. He dedicates his book to "each who find it within themselves to take a stand against [Woke's] detour in humanity's intellectual, cultural, and moral development." The idea that humans can make moral progress – as opposed to the Christian idea that man has a flawed nature that must constantly struggle to abide by a higher, divine law – also has its deadly expressions. The New Soviet Man was to be arrived at after killing off all the old style men through actions like the mass murder of priests and nuns, and the starving of millions of Ukrainians who refused to "progress." And McWhorter praises the Enlightenment as a model, but then equates all he hates about Woke with a "reign of terror." The actual Reign of Terror was very much an Enlightenment phenomenon.

McWhorter gets in a couple of gratuitous shots at the, in his words, "openly bigoted" Donald Trump and his supporters. These marginal statements on such an inflammatory and divisive topic as Trump will alienate some readers unnecessarily.

This is not the first time McWhorter, a man I admire, has made derogatory comments about people like me. In a December 30, 2008, Forbes article, McWhorter refers to threatening, racist whites as "bohunks" (sic). "Bohunk" refers to Americans of Christian, peasant, Eastern European descent: Polish-, Czech-, and Ukrainian-Americans, for example. McWhorter's comment is part of a trend, dating back at least to the 1960s, of elites attributing racism to poor white ethnics, as I describe in this blog post and this book.

McWhorter's snobbery directed at working class whites, Trump supporters, and Christians will present few obstacles to many readers of his book. His intended audience, he says, consists of New York Times readers and people who listen to NPR. Many of those readers will be attracted to, rather than put off by, McWhorter's argument that Woke is bad because Woke is like Christianity.

Danusha Goska is the author of God through Binoculars: A Hitchhiker at a Monastery.


HOW MUCH DOES BLACK CRIME COST AMERICA? HOW DO WE MEASURE IT?


BLACK Intruder shot, killed after kicking in door, charging occupant with a knife

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_PXJz38_7a8


BLACK MURDERS MAN WITH A PUNCH

Deadly punch caught on video outside Ybor City bar

BLACK MUSLIM MURDERS IN THE NAME OF ALLAH

Deputies: Woman and girl dead after man attacks family, sets home on fire

LISTEN TO THE JUDGES SUMMARY OF THE CASE AGAINST THIS APE:

'The worst case I've ever seen' - Judge gives 3 life sentences to BLACK man who killed child, girlfriend


'You stabbed me,' boy tells father at double-murder trial

BLACK Jacole Prince sentenced to 34 years FOR KEEPING HER CHILDREN LOCKED IN CLOSET

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7B7ShPxDpu0

TWO BLACK APES Women hit with long prison sentences in killing of Garden City student

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ejbRx88jBU

BLACK MAN RAPES AND IMPREGANTS 10-YEAR-OLD

Marion child molest arrest


VIDEO: BLACK Man deputies say got 11-year-old pregnant storms out of bond hearing

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eE5tTXGLdRI

BLACK MAN RAPES AND MURDERS HIS 8-MONTH-OLD BABY

Man charged with murder, sex assault of 8-month-old Inkster girl

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pNqaglwXJ4U


ABOVE MURDERER LET OUT OFF

Father accused of murder, sex assault of infant daughter released


EXCLUSIVE: Houston man loses eye during attack at store BY BLACK MAN

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p6nbRKL__y0


Two BLACK women charged after shooting woman in the face





Jury recommends death penalty


Convicted child molester laughs after life-in-prison sentence




BLACK WOMAN RUNS OVER BOYFRIEND
Woman accused of hitting, killing boyfriend as he ran for his life



Killer complains about 28-year sentence for stabbing man who spit on BMW

BLACK Woman charged with beating, shooting at boyfriend



Warrant issued for BLACK MAN WITH LONG CRIMINAL RECORD suspect in Walgreens shooting


Employee stabbed to death by BLACK MAN inside Hancock Park store



Report: Las Vegas BLACK shooting suspect turned in by mother


BLACK HOME INVADE   -  BRAZEN ROBBERY: Sisters Hide in Bedroom During Terrifying San Francisco Home Invasion Robbery



Exclusive: 75-year-old woman speaks out after random attack BY BLACK MAN



2 BLACK Men Follow Bronx Woman Walking Home and Stab Her 13 Times


Burger King fatal shooting: BLACK Restaurant worker charged, on the run | FOX6 News Milwaukee




BLACK Man accused of killing woman (HE DID NOT KNOW, BUT WANTED TO STEAL HER CAR)

dumping body in desert extradited to Las Vegas



THE DEPRAVED GHETTO BLACK CULTURE IN AMERICA  - Is it the world’s most violent subculture?

https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2019/10/ghetto-black-violence-in-america-dr.html

Dr. Williams comments on another reality: that the rate of black homicide and armed robbery as well as other violent crimes are as is as much as 15–30 times more than whites

So, we have local black gang associates posting terror threats on social media -- threats of murder, by burning, directed at the women and children family members of white police employees -- immediately before the murder, by burning, of the white teenage daughter of a local police department employee. Plus, the killing took place only minutes after the victim was seen on video at the same location as the husband or boyfriend of the person who posted the threats, as he was filling a handheld can with gasoline.

any black rappers not yet murdered by black apes?

 

Second BLACK suspect indicted in murder of Memphis rapper Young Dolph


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cWtOoBMkpLk

 

BLACK Suspects wanted in Young Dolph murder captured

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i-5IVpN5KkQ

 

Indiana Man Arrested in Rapper Young Dolph Shooting; 2nd Man Charged with Murder

U.S. Marshals Service via AP
U.S. Marshals Service via AP
3:10

INDIANAPOLIS (AP) — A Tennessee man wanted in the fatal shooting of rapper Young Dolph in his hometown of Memphis was captured Tuesday in Indiana, while another man was indicted on murder charges, authorities said.

A grand jury indicted Cornelius Smith, 32, on first-degree murder and other charges in the shooting that killed Young Dolph, the Shelby County, Tennessee, District Attorney’s Office said. Smith, who was arrested last month on an auto-theft warrant involving the vehicle used in Young Dolph’s killing, was being held without bond.

Separately, the U.S. Marshals Service said Justin Johnson, 23, was arrested, after a murder warrant was issued for him earlier this month. The agency did not say where in Indiana that Johnson was found.

Young Dolph, whose real name was Adolph Thornton Jr., was gunned down in a daylight ambush at a popular cookie shop on Nov. 17.

U.S. Marshal Tyreece Miller, Memphis Police Chief C. J. Davis and Shelby County District Attorney General Amy Weirich said they would would hold a joint press conference Wednesday to provide more details.

FILE – Young Dolph performs at The Parking Lot Concert in Atlanta on Aug. 23, 2020. An arrest warrant has been issued for Justin Johnson, 23, in connection with the Nov. 17, 2021, fatal shooting of rapper Young Dolph, who was gunned down in a daylight ambush at a popular cookie shop in his hometown of Memphis, authorities said Wednesday, Jan. 5, 2022. (Photo by Paul R. Giunta/Invision/AP, File)

The shooting stunned Memphis and shocked the entertainment world. City officials and community activists pointed to the killing as a symbol of the dangers of gun violence in Memphis, where more than 300 homicides were reported last year.

Known for his depictions of tough street life and his independent approach to the music business, Young Dolph was admired for charitable works in Memphis. He organized Thanksgiving food giveaways, donated thousands of dollars to high schools, and paid rent and covered funeral costs for people in the Castalia Heights neighborhood where he was raised. When he was killed, the 36-year-old rapper was in Memphis to hand out Thanksgiving turkeys and visit a cancer center.

A private funeral was held on Nov. 30 and a section of a street in the neighborhood where he grew up was renamed for him Dec. 15. He also was honored at a public celebration at FedExForum, the home of the NBA’s Memphis Grizzles and the University of Memphis men’s basketball team.

Young Dolph was born in Chicago and moved to Memphis with his parents when he was 2. He released numerous mixtapes, starting with 2008′s “Paper Route Campaign,” and multiple studio albums, including his 2016 debut “King of Memphis.” He also collaborated on other mixtapes and albums with fellow rappers Key Glock, Megan Thee Stallion, T.I., Gucci Mane, 2 Chainz and others.

He had three albums reach the top 10 on the Billboard 200, with 2020′s “Rich Slave” peaking at No. 4.

Young Dolph had survived previous shootings. He was shot multiple times in September 2017 after a fight outside a Los Angeles hotel. In February of that year, his SUV was shot at in Charlotte, North Carolina, more than 100 times. That was the inspiration for the song “100 Shots.” He said he survived because he had bulletproof panels in his vehicle.


BLACK MAN ON ROBBERY JIG

BLACK Suspect's family angry at Good Samaritan, police


4 BLACKS nabbed in shooting after 16-year-old boy found with head wound in Rocky Mount, police say

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6lk4BgRrha0 

 

MPD: Burger King BLACK robbery / MURDER suspect arrested | FOX6 News Milwaukee

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qu3CMoVctn4

 

 

BLACK Woman wanted in deadly Oak Court mall shooting

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=chXlCAFA3b0

 

 

 

Memphis BLACK man charged with 33 counts of attempted murder

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5LpL3aMlJCA

 

 

 

No bond for BLACK Florida couple accused of fatally shooting 89-year-old woman


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rTczw6sP_y0

 

 

 

Illinois cop pleaded for her life before BLACK suspect fatally shot her with her own gun: prosecutors


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U1G2GtYloP0

 

 

 

BLACK Man suspected of shooting Bradley officers appears in court

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l_WeH9asVHU

 

Police: South Florida BLACK Couple Kidnap, Torture Man For Three Days

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_AGq9j4zThs

 

 

Prosecutors: Tampa man driven by jealous rage to murder ex-girlfriend


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5n5W1b_qd_Q

No wonder, according to the FBI’s Uniform Crime Statistics report, African American men between the ages of 19-35 who constitute 1.3% of the US population committed 50% of the violent crimes in 2015.  Juveniles, ages 13-18 are not included in these figures, so the actual exact number, which I don’t have, is probably worse. 

These facts are easily verified on the FBI’s Uniform Crime statistics, which breaks out violent crime by race.  Because of the pc censorship one cannot refer to these realities without being blasted as a racist and excluded from the discussion about race and racial equality. 

The “race card” is regularly deployed by Democrats and their supporters to silence their opposition. Whites are accused of being “racist” and yet 97% of African-Americans will vote for a black person like Obama who had virtually no credentials for any job, much less President of the United States. Can you imagine a white man, the same age, with exactly the same credentials and work experience being elected President of the United States? Of course not. Who then is actually racist? 

I don’t think most white Americans are racist in terms of judging a person based on the color of their skin. I do think white Americans judge the black community, as a whole, based on their dysfunctional culture of violence, being on welfare and having the majority of their children out of wedlock. This, of course, produces dysfunctional children who create many of our social and criminal problems. It’s not about the color of a persons skin. It’s about culture.  Inner city black culture is different from the middle class culture of whites, Asians and other minorities, and while political correctness enforces silence on these issues, most people are aware of them.


WINDOW INTO THE DEPRAVED BLACK SUBCULTURE

https://www.city-journal.org/html/window-depraved-culture-14929.html

Heather Mac Donald

 

Public safety

The Social Order

As for interracial violence generally, blacks disproportionately commit it. Between 2012 and 2015, there were 631,830 violent interracial victimizations, excluding homicide, between blacks

and whites, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics. Blacks, who make up 13 percent of the U.S. population, committed 85.5 percent of those victimizations, or 540,360 felonious assaults on 

whites, while whites, 61 percent of the population, committed 14.4 percent, or 91,470 felonious assaults on blacks. Regarding threats to blacks from the police, a police officer is 18.5 times more likely to be killed by a black male than an unarmed black male is to be killed by a police officer.

 

https://www.city-journal.org/jazmine-barnes-murder?utm_source=City+Journal+Update&utm_campaign=acbb7c6b94-

 

Anti-cop activist Shaun King says that his involvement in the campaign around the Jazmine Barnes murder was not driven by reports that a white man had killed the seven-year-old girl, who was gunned down in Houston on December 30. According to Barnes’s mother and 15-year-old sister, the white driver of a pickup truck had pulled up next to the family’s car before opening fire. The accusation set off a frenzy of hate-crime allegations and blanket coverage by the New York Times. King offered a $100,000 reward to anyone who located the suspect. 

As it turned out, Jazmine Barnes was killed by two black men, who opened fire on her mother’s car because they thought that they were targeting enemies of their gang. King passed along a tip about the real killers to the Houston police, and now says that he merely “internalized the pain of the family and tried to search as if it were my own child who was killed.” Race, in other words, had nothing to do with his activism. 

It’s worth remembering, though, the many other black children who have been victims of drive-by shootings without leading King to launch a national crusade.

A sampling: in March 2015, a six-year-old boy was killed in a drive-by shooting on West Florissant Avenue in St. Louis, as Black Lives Matter protesters were converging on the Ferguson, Missouri, Police Department to demand the resignation of the entire department. In August 2015, a nine-year-old girl was killed by a bullet from a drive-by shooting in Ferguson while doing her homework in her bedroom, blocks from the Black Lives Matter rioting thoroughfare. Five children were shot in Cleveland over the 2015 Fourth of July weekend. A seven-year-old boy was killed in Chicago that same weekend by a bullet intended for his father. In Cincinnati, in July 2015, a four-year-old girl was shot in the head and a six-year-old girl was left paralyzed and partially blind from two separate drive-by shootings. In Cleveland, three children five and younger were killed in September 2015, leading the black police chief to break down in tears and ask why the community only protests shootings of blacks when the perpetrator is a cop. In November 2015, a nine-year-old in Chicago was lured into an alley and killed by his father’s gang enemies; the father refused to cooperate with the police. All told, ten children under the age of ten were killed in Baltimore in 2015; twelve victims were between the age of ten and seventeen. 

In 2016, a three-year-old girl in Baltimore was partially paralyzed by a drive-by shooting. In Chicago in 2016, two dozen children under the age of 12 were shot in drive-bys, including a three-year-old boy mowed down on Father’s Day 2016 who is now paralyzed for life and a ten-year-old boy shot in August; his pancreas, intestines, kidney, and spleen were torn apart. A Jacksonville 22-month-old was shot to death by a passing car last June. In September, three men killed three-year-old Azalya Anderson in a drive-by in Sacramento, and a week before Christmas in Bridgeport, a 12-year-old boy was shot and killed on his way home from the candy store in a drive-by shooting.

Why did King let these shootings of black children go by without responding as he did to Jazmine Barnes’s murder? Could it be because the perpetrators were black? You could end all white shootings of black children tomorrow and it would have zero effect on the death rate of black children by homicide, because such white-on-black shootings are extremely rare. Moral abominations, like the 2015 Charleston church massacre by white supremacist Dylann Roof, are aberrations that belong to the outermost lunatic fringe of American society. The country’s revulsion at the Charleston carnage was immediate and universal, resulting in a movement to banish the Confederate flag, embraced by Roof as a white supremacist symbol, from official sites. 

If Shaun King and other Black Lives Matter activists really want to save black children from the trauma of urban violence, they should put their efforts into rebuilding inner-city culture—above all, by revalorizing a married father as the best gift a mother can give her child. Fantasies about white violence against “black bodies” are a distraction from what is actually happening on American streets.

 

Heather Mac Donald is the Thomas W. Smith Fellow at the Manhattan Institute, a contributing editor of City Journal, and the author of The War on Cops: How the New Attack on Law and Order Makes Everyone Less Safe and The Diversity Delusion: How Race and Gender Pandering Corrupt the University and Undermine Our Culture.

 

Walter Williams tackles the elephant in the room on crime

 

By John Dale Dunn

 

Dr. Williams is a well known conservative economist and longtime John Olin Chair faculty at George Mason University in eastern Virginia, author of 12 books and syndicated columnist.  In the past, he has been substitute host on the Rush Limbaugh radio program.  He is almost like family to me, and I have benefited from his essays and books over the years.  This past week, I saw and read his essay on disparities in crime rates among races that was picked up by Military in its October 2019 issue.  What got Dr. Williams going was the article by  Matthew DeLisi of Iowa State U and John Paul Wright of the U of Cincinnati titled "What Criminologists Don't Say and Why."

Dr. Williams confirms that the writers are right about the liberal tilt of criminologists — "If criminologists have the guts to even talk about a race-crime connection, it's behind closed doors and in guarded language.  Any discussion about race and crime ... can mean the end of one's professional career."  

Dr. Williams points out teen black-on-white predatory behavior — chronicled in detail by many, particularly Colin Flaherty, whose investigative reports appear frequently (more than 100) at American Thinker — cannot be reported, mentioned, or considered by the media, politicians,  criminologists, commentators, politicians, even law enforcement people without risking being called racist, the easy epithet used to enforce a ban on talking about the realities of racial disparities in crime and the increasingly violent nature of black violence against whites — the knockout game, polar bear hunting, flash mob violence against people and property.

Referencing the Wright and DeLisi report, Dr. Williams comments on another reality: that the rate of black homicide and armed robbery as well as other violent crimes are as is as much as 15–30 times more than whites, for example, and he points out the silliness of criminologists' claims that mass incarceration rather than criminality has decimated the black community.  He favorably quotes Wright and DeLisi when they say, "What they [criminals] did, in reality was to prey on their neighbors."

Dr. Williams returns to a theme he has explored many times before in this essay and commentary when he points out that the black family of the past was two parents and stable, even back to days of slavery, and that the black community was moral and law-abiding.  "The strong character of black people is responsible for the great progress made from emancipation to today. ... [T]oday's conduct among black youth wouldn't have been tolerated yesteryear."

My regret is there aren't enough Walter Williams and Thomas Sowell types to engage the nutty attitudes of liberal chatterbox experts.

 

John Dale Dunn, M.D., J.D. is an emergency physician, sheriff's medical officer and inactive attorney, policy and science adviser to the American Council on Science and Health of NYC and the Heartland Institute of Chicago.

 

 

 

CITY JOURNAL

BLACK ON BLACK VIOLENCE Data,

 

https://www.city-journal.org/html/hard-data-hollow-protests-15458.html

of crime and policing than this weekend’s demonstrations suggest.

Heather Mac Donald

 

 

The FBI released its official crime tally for 2016 today, and the data flies in the face of the rhetoric that professional athletes rehearsed in revived Black Lives Matter protests over the weekend.  Nearly 900 additional blacks were killed in 2016 compared with 2015, bringing the black homicide-victim total to 7,881. Those 7,881 “black bodies,” in the parlance of Ta-Nehisi Coates, are 1,305 more than the number of white victims (which in this case includes most Hispanics) for the same period, though blacks are only 13 percent of the nation’s population. The increase in black homicide deaths last year comes on top of a previous 900-victim increase between 2014 and 2015.

Who is killing these black victims? Not whites, and not the police, but other blacks. In 2016, the police fatally shot 233 blacks, the vast majority armed and dangerous, according to the Washington Post. The Post categorized only 16 black male victims of police shootings as “unarmed.” That classification masks assaults against officers and violent resistance to arrest. Contrary to the Black Lives Matter narrative, the police have much more to fear from black males than black males have to fear from the police. In 2015, a police officer was 18.5 times more likely to be killed by a black male than an unarmed black male was to be killed by a police officer. Black males have made up 42 percent of all cop-killers over the last decade, though they are only 6 percent of the population. That 18.5 ratio undoubtedly worsened in 2016, in light of the 53 percent increase in gun murders of officers—committed vastly and disproportionately by black males. Among all homicide suspects whose race was known, white killers of blacks numbered only 243. 

Violent crime has now risen by a significant amount for two consecutive years. The total number of violent crimes rose 4.1 percent in 2016, and estimated homicides rose 8.6 percent. In 2015, violent crime rose by nearly 4 percent and estimated homicides by nearly 11 percent. The last time violence rose two years in a row was 2005–06.  The reason for the current increase is what I have called the Ferguson Effect. Cops are backing off of proactive policing in high-crime minority neighborhoods, and criminals are becoming emboldened. Having been told incessantly by politicians, the media, and Black Lives Matter activists that they are bigoted for getting out of their cars and questioning someone loitering on a known drug corner at 2 AM, many officers are instead just driving by. Such stops are discretionary; cops don’t have to make them. And when political elites demonize the police for just such proactive policing, we shouldn’t be surprised when cops get the message and do less of it. Seventy-two percent of the nation’s officers say that they and their colleagues are now less willing to stop and question suspicious persons, according to a Pew Research poll released in January 2016. The reason is the persistent anti-cop climate. 

Four studies came out in 2016 alone rebutting the charge that police shootings are racially biased. If there is a bias in police shootings, it works in favor of blacks and against whites. That truth has not stopped the ongoing demonization of the police—including, now, by many of the country’s ignorant professional athletes. The toll will be felt, as always, in the inner city, by the thousands of law-abiding people there who desperately want more police protection. 

Heather Mac Donald is the Thomas W. Smith Fellow at the Manhattan Institute and a contributing editor of City Journal.

 

*

 

Study: ‘Family Structure’ a Major Factor in Racial Disparities in School Conduct and Suspensions

 

https://www.breitbart.com/politics/2019/11/23/study-family-structure-a-major-factor-in-racial-disparities-in-school-conduct-and-suspensions/

Stock/Getty Images

DR. SUSAN BERRY

23 Nov 20192,338

8:15

A new study affirms what many public policy analysts say is intuitive — that unstable family structure, including chaotic households and single-parent homes, is a primary factor in racial disparities in school behavior and suspensions.

The study, conducted by senior fellows Nicholas Zill and W. Bradford Wilcox at the Institute for Family Studies, asserts education policymakers “must recognize that social and psychological problems in youth may manifest themselves at school but have their origins in family situations over which the school has little or no control.”

 

Brad Wilcox@WilcoxNMP

 

 

NEW: On Black-White divide in school suspensions

-More than 50% of gap explained by Family Structure
-White children in non-intact families *more likely to be suspended* than black children in intact families
https://ifstudies.org/blog/the-black-white-divide-in-suspensions-what-is-the-role-of-family  @FamStudies

 

212

4:48 AM - Nov 19, 2019

Twitter Ads info and privacy

131 people are talking about this

 

The authors find in their new analysis of the National Household Education Survey (NHES) that, in 2016, about 24 percent of black elementary and high school students had been suspended at least once, while eight percent of white students and only four percent of Asian students had the same experience.

 

The researchers note the NHES shows “black students are far more likely to be living apart from their married birth parents in the home (72%) compared to white students (37%) or Asian students (26%).”

 

“These family structure differences, then, are likely to play a role in inter- and intra-racial disparities in student conduct and discipline,” the authors state, and add:

Indeed, among black students who do live with both married birth parents, suspension rates are less than half as large as those for black students living in other family types: 12% versus 28%. The suspension rate for black students living in intact families, 12%, is also less than the suspension rate for white students from non-intact families, 13%.

 

The study also found that family structure even accounts for more of the racial disparities in school suspensions than socioeconomic factors.

When the researchers controlled for family structure, they discovered the racial disparities in school suspensions reduced by 55 percent. Controlling for socioeconomic status reduced the racial differences by only 38 percent.

“These results, then, suggest that family structure is a signal factor in accounting for real differences in school conduct and school suspensions,” the authors state. “This is especially noteworthy because discussions related to racial disparities in school discipline often overlook the role of family structure and highlight socioeconomic explanations.”

Zill and Wilcox assert that, while examples of racism exist, “there are legitimate reasons for believing that some of the racial differences in school suspensions and discipline are based upon real, not just perceived, differences in students’ behavior”:

We focus here on the possibility that some of these differences are related to family factors, including notable differences in family structure by race. Students who come from chaotic homes, single-parent families, or non-intact families are less likely to get the consistent attention, affection, and discipline they need to flourish and develop self-control. Their families typically have less money, which affects the quality of their neighborhoods and their neighborhood peers, which is also an important influence on school conduct. And they are also more likely to be exposed to conflict, stress, frequent moves, and neglect—all risk factors for delinquent and disruptive behavior. Indeed, our data indicate that rates of school contact for student misbehavior are nearly twice as high among students living with separated or divorced parents as among those living with stably married parents. And they are higher still among students who live apart from both biological parents, being cared for instead by grandparents or foster parents.

The researchers say that, in order to see a drop in school suspensions among black children and adolescents, black family life must be stabilized and reinforced:

Such efforts should include criminal justice reform, ending marriage penalties in means-tested policies, subsidizing the wages of low-income workers, and launching local and national campaigns directed by black religious, civic, and cultural leaders to strengthen marriage in the black community. Efforts like these are needed because, our research suggests, increasing the number of African American children who are raised by stably married parents would dramatically increase the odds that black girls and boys steer clear of the principal’s office—and increase the odds they flourish in school, avoid contact with the criminal justice system, and, later in life, excel in the labor force further down the road.

“[S]tronger black families would go a long way towards reducing racial disparities in school discipline,” Zill and Wilcox assert.

The study comes as Obama-era holdovers and other progressives continue the narrative that racial disparities in school suspensions and discipline are due to systemic factors such as institutional racism.

The Obama Departments of Education and Justice, under Education Secretary Arne Duncan and Attorney General Eric Holder, issued public school guidelines that claimed students of color are “disproportionately impacted” by suspensions and expulsions, a situation they said led to a “school-to-prison pipeline” that discriminates against minority and low-income students.

The policy, however, essentially blamed systemic racism for the fact that black and other minority students have been punished and suspended more than white and Asian students. Recommended remedies for the problem included eliminating suspensions for unacceptable behavior by minority students and urging, instead, their participation in “restorative talking circles” and “positive behavior interventions.”

In December 2018, the Trump administration revoked the Obama-era policy that urged public schools to employ these more lenient forms of discipline for students of color and of other minority groups.

The U.S. Departments of Education and Justice rescinded the Obama administration’s 2014 “Dear Colleague Letter” that a federal school safety commission said “may have paradoxically contributed to making schools less safe.”

The outcry from parents, teachers, some media outlets, and many education analysts and stakeholders has been piercing, with most pointing to the rise in “dangerousness” in public schools.

Nevertheless, in July, Democrat members of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission urged the White House and Congress to continue the Obama-era race-based discipline policy.

The commission’s report, titled “Beyond Suspensions: Examining School Discipline Policies and Connections to the School-to-Prison Pipeline for Students of Color with Disabilities,” stated, “[D]ata have consistently shown that the overrepresentation of students of color in school discipline rates is not due to higher rates of misbehavior by these students, but instead is driven by structural and systemic factors.”

The commission’s report was released as the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) issued its analysis indicating a rise in serious incidents of violence in the nation’s public schools:

 

NCES

@EdNCES

 

 

NEW FINDING: During SY 2017–18, an estimated 962,300 violent incidents occurred in U.S. public schools nationwide.

How did this compare w/ nonviolent incidents? Find more #EdStats from the 2017–18 School Survey on Crime and Safety (#SSOCS): https://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp?pubid=2019061  #EdSafetyStats

 

10

7:32 AM - Jul 25, 2019

Twitter Ads info and privacy

See NCES's other Tweets

 

Even a Democrat state lawmaker — New York State Sen. Leroy Comrie — and Teamsters President Gregory Floyd, who represents school safety officers — referred to the Obama-era policy as one that has led to “chaos” and a lack of “accountability” for dangerous behavior.

Two members of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission — Peter Kirsanow and Gail Heriot — dissented from the commission’s majority report.

Kirsanow wrote at National Review the report is “essentially a defense of the Obama Department of Education’s 2014 ‘Dear Colleague’ letter that used disparate-impact theory to interpret racial disparities in school discipline as evidence of racial discrimination.”

To progressives, “any racial disparity necessarily means invidious racial discrimination,” Kirsanow asserted, adding:

It’s undisputed that black students, as a group, are disciplined more than white students. For the commission majority, this is evidence of racially disparate treatment, as it’s an article of faith that discipline disparities aren’t due to disparities in behavior.

Kirsanow observed the commission’s report ignored key statistics in order to craft its narrative of racial discrimination against students of color.

He pointed to his colleague Heriot’s statement in which she said, “In the report, the Commission finds ‘Students of color as a whole, as well as by individual racial group, do not commit more disciplinable offenses than their white peers.’”

“That would be a good thing if it were true, but there is no evidence to support it and abundant evidence to the contrary,” she asserted, adding that what accounts for differing rates of misbehavior among students of color “likely” includes “differing rates of poverty, differing rates of fatherless households, differing parental education, differing achievement in school, and histories of policy failures and injustices.”

Kirsanow called for those truly concerned about improving education in the United States to “disregard” the report released by the majority of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission.

“Claiming that racism or dislike of children with disabilities accounts for disparate rates of discipline only stokes resentment and erodes personal responsibility,” he asserted. “The supposed cures of ‘restorative practices’ and ‘positive behavioral interventions and supports’ only make it more likely that children in minority neighborhoods who want to learn will be less able to do so, and that teachers and children will be at the mercy of school bullies.”

 

No comments: