America Faces No Greater Threat Than Joe Biden and the Democrat Party. Their Assault to Our Borders Is As Great As Their Assault to Free Speech and Free Elections
Friday, December 1, 2023
DEMOCRATS AND THE MAKE CHINA GREATER DOCTRINE - Clinton Judge Rules Banning TikTok is “Anti-Chinese” A "pervasive undertone of anti-Chinese sentiment."
DIANNE FEINSTEIN SHOWED THEM ALL HOW PROFITABLE SERVING THE ENEMY WAS!
Biden Disagrees With His Party About Whether US is the Greatest Country
"The one view is that we’re the finest, greatest nation in the world."
It’s okay. Joe is having flashbacks to the 80s where you could maybe get a majority of Dems behind this position.
President Biden called into the Macy’s Thanksgiving Day Parade on Thursday, calling on Americans to “come together” and put unity above politics over the holiday weekend — and beyond.
“On this Thanksgiving, Al, we have to come together,” the president told NBC’s Al Roker. “We can have different political views, but we have one view. The one view is that we’re the finest, greatest nation in the world. We should focus on that.”
If Biden really believes that, maybe he should become a Republican. Again. Because has Biden checked with his party on that position?
The NY Times/Siena College national poll finds that only 37% of Democrats agree with the statement that “America is the greatest country in the world.”
Instead, 55% of Democrats endorsed the statement that “America is a great country but not the greatest.” Another 7% said the US is “not a great country” with the remainder having no opinion.
By comparison, 69% of Republicans said the US was the greatest.
As the guy responsible for Biden being in the White House, once said, “I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek exceptionalism.”
Does Biden actually believe that America is the “finest, greatest nation in the world”?
T’would be nice to think so but I suspect he’s just echoing the ghosts of teleprompters past. These are the sorts of things that Senate Democrats with presidential aspirations used to say: generally without actually believing them.
But then again I don’t think Biden really believes in things. Career politicians tend not to. Biden believes in D.C. and the system which has served him so well. The stuff about America is like an old song that a man remembers from his teenage years and he hums it, but that doesn’t mean he actually believes what the lyrics say.
Politics is an old song to Joe Biden. He takes the lyrics seriously as a performer, not a believer. And the songs he’s singing aren’t those that his party is signing anymore.
Daniel Greenfield, a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center, is an investigative journalist and writer focusing on the radical Left and Islamic terrorism.
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Clinton Judge Rules Banning TikTok is “Anti-Chinese”
A "pervasive undertone of anti-Chinese sentiment."
The current crop of Biden judicial nominees makes for entertaining viewing when Sen. Ted Cruz or Sen. John Kennedy asks them a basic question about the law, and they look like drunk drivers asked to recite the alphabet backward in Greek. Still there are some old school Dem nominees who are not just horrendously leftist, but also horrendously stupid.
One of them has been mostly obscure, but he figured out how to get some attention.
U.S. District Judge Donald Molloy said Montana’s TikTok ban “oversteps state power” and “likely violates the First Amendment.”
There’s no First Amendment right for a Chinese company to operate in the United States. If shutting down a company violates the First Amendment, then virtually every state and federal action is unconstitutional. I know some libertarians would like that, not sure Democrats or Molloy have thought that through.
But Judge Donald Molloy is probably one of the dumbest Clinton appointees on the bench.
Molloy wrote that though officials in Montana have defended the law as an attempt to protect consumers in the state, there is “little doubt that Montana’s legislature and Attorney General were more interested in targeting China’s ostensible role in TikTok than with protecting Montana consumers,” the judge wrote.
Considering that China’s role in TikTok hurts Montana consumers, there’s no contradiction here. And calling China’s role in Tiktok “ostensible” shows that Molloy either doesn’t know what the word means or is unfamiliar with the company.
Montana, as a state, does not have authority over foreign affairs, Molloy said, but even still, he found the national security case presented against TikTok unconvincing, writing that if anything the Montana law had a “pervasive undertone of anti-Chinese sentiment.”
Montana doesn’t need authority over foreign affairs to regulate a company operating in the state. If regulating a foreign company means that a state is interfering in foreign affairs, states will have no authority over foreign companies.
Again, has Molloy considered the precedent that his idiotic ruling is setting?
Calling this a ruling is flattering, this is a USA Today op-ed.
He said state officials justified the Montana ban under a “paternalistic argument.”
And? Is there a ban on states regulating things based on “paternalistic arguments?” (maybe there should be, but there isn’t). These aren’t legal arguments, they’re Twitter arguments. Judicial review had better have a compelling reason to override laws put into place by legally elected officials.
Lately, judges have taken to overriding laws based on the flimsiest of reasons, and Molloy has taken flimsiness to a new level. His legal reasoning amounts to “I don’t like it.” And claiming that Montana can’t ban a foreign company from operating in the state because that’s “anti-Chinese” is borderline treasonous.
Daniel Greenfield, a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center, is an investigative journalist and writer focusing on the radical Left and Islamic terrorism.
Henry Kissinger, the dean of American diplomats, once confided in a colleague his concerns about the challenge that Beijing would present to the United States. “When [the Chinese] don’t need us,” he reportedly said, “they are going to be very difficult to deal with.”
Apparently, until that time comes, there is no reason not to cash in.
Kissinger pioneered the idea of cashing in by using the relationships he had forged serving as America’s chief diplomat. Kissinger was the national security advisor to President Richard Nixon, and later secretary of state under Nixon and later President Gerald Ford. Most important, he had impeccable ties in the country that he had helped open in 1972: China. It was Kissinger, after all, who had conducted the secret diplomacy with Chinese officials beginning in 1971 that led to the restoration of diplomatic ties between the two countries in 1972. As a result, he is revered in Chinese government circles. Kissinger, in return, was awed by Chinese leaders. “No other world leaders have the sweep and imagination of Mao and Chou [Zhou] nor the capacity and will to pursue a long-range policy,” he marveled to Nixon after one meeting in Beijing. Chairman Mao was apparently less impressed. He reportedly told British prime minister Edward Heath that Kissinger was “just a funny little man. He is shuddering all over with nerves every time he comes to see me.”
U.S. National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger (left) and Chinese Premier Chou En-lai talk at the Government Guest House in Beijing, China, on July 9, 1971. (White House via CNP/Getty Images)
Chairman Mao Tse-Tung meets U. S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger on Nov. 12, 1973, in Beijing, China. (Getty Images)
When he left government service in 1977, Kissinger had spent his entire career in academe and government. Now it was time to make some money. “Making money is actually boring, even if it is necessary,” he reportedly told Soviet foreign minister Andrei Gromyko in their last meeting.
In July 1982, he launched Kissinger Associates as an active business. Kissinger had no legal training and no background in finance, so the prospect of joining a high-powered law firm or investment bank was not an option. But he had something more important than both of those qualities: he had unparalleled relationships overseas—especially important were impeccable ties in Beijing.
Kissinger was clearly a regime favorite. As a private citizen, he repeatedly visited Beijing at the invitation of the Chinese government, often meeting with Deng Xiaoping and other Chinese leaders.
U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger chats with Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping of China (right) at a dinner on April 14, 1974, in New York. (Getty Images)
China in the early 1980s was still off the beaten path for many Western corporations. There can be little doubt, though, that many corporate leaders saw the massive potential in a market of one billion people. The work of Kissinger Associates included opening doors for foreign clients, but his most important and lucrative role was cutting through government regulations in Beijing. To do business in China, for example, you needed government endorsement and approval. As one Indian scholar allows, for Kissinger, this “often involved making a few well-placed phone calls to friends in top government positions.”
At the same time, Kissinger was a widely cited spokesman and commentator on foreign affairs, appearing on network television, in America’s leading newspapers, and of course in America’s bookstores. Kissinger seemed to ride these two horses at once until the tragic events of June 1989 put him in an awkward position. That was when the People’s Liberation Army marched into Tiananmen Square. The conflict resulted in the deaths of thousands of peaceful protestors. As events unfolded, Kissinger went on ABC News, where anchor Peter Jennings asked him: “What should America do?” Kissinger was calm and noted that we needed to maintain close relations and “I wouldn’t do any sanctions.” ABC News was paying him $100,000 a year at the time to provide insight and commentary on world events. In his newspaper columns, Kissinger took the same line, explaining that while he was “shocked by the brutality” of what had happened, we needed to view it as “an internal matter.”
Kissinger defended the Chinese government’s actions, strangely arguing, “No government in the world would have tolerated having the main square of its capital occupied for eight weeks,” and that “a crackdown was therefore inevitable.” How the United States responded was key, he argued, rejecting economic sanctions and suggesting that we could not do much. Doing little was “a test of our political maturity.” Above all, he maintained, it was “too important for American national security to risk the relationship on the emotions of the moment.”
Thousands of pro-democracy protesters rally peacefully in Tiananmen Square at the height of the protest movement on May 17, 1989. (AP Photo/Sadayuki Mikamii)
A young woman is grabbed by Chinese soldiers trying to remove her and other pro-democracy protesters from Tiananmen Square on June 3, 1989. (AP Photo/Jeff Widener)
The bodies of dead Chinese civilians lie among mangled bicycles near Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989, after China’s communist regime violently suppressed a pro-democracy protest in what became known as the Tiananmen Square massacre. (AP Photo)
A rickshaw driver pedals victims of the Tiananmen Square massacre to a nearby hospital on June 4, 1989. (AP Photo/Liu Heung Shing)
Chinese soldiers and tanks gather in Beijing on June 5, 1989, one day after the Tiananmen Square massacre. (AP Photo/Jeff Widener)
A Chinese man stands alone to block a line of tanks heading towards Tiananmen Square on June 5, 1989, one day after the Tiananmen Square massacre. This courageous unknown man became known to the world simply as “Tank Man.” (AP Photo/Jeff Widener)
What Kissinger did not disclose at the time was that while he was discussing China matters seemingly as a detached scholar or analyst, he was simultaneously neck-deep in commercial deals involving the Chinese government. Kissinger had worked with Atlantic Richfield, the energy company, to negotiate a deal with the Chinese government. When International Telephone and Telegraph (ITT) wanted to hold a board meeting in Beijing, he found a government agency that would act as their host. H. J. Heinz executives were trying to set up a baby food factory in China, and Kissinger helped the company navigate through the cobwebs of the Chinese bureaucracy. American International Group (AIG), where he was chairman of the international advisory board, wanted licenses in Shanghai while constructing an office tower. Bottom line, Kissinger had a reputation for being able to bring clients to Beijing and get them meetings with the top Chinese officials. Condemning the Tiananmen Square massacre too much would cost him access.
In fact, in December 1988, just six months before the horrific event, Kissinger launched a limited investment partnership called China Ventures. It was supposed to be a vehicle for U.S. corporations to invest in joint ventures with the Chinese government. Kissinger was the firm’s chairman, CEO, and general partner. The deal promised to be enormously lucrative for Kissinger: he was to receive management fees topping more than $1 million a year and 20 percent of profits after investors got an 8 percent return on their investment.
Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger gives a press conference on the future of Asia-Pacific economic relations on Nov. 6, 1989, in Hong Kong, the before his visit to Beijing, China. (JERRY SOUSA/AFP via Getty Images)
As Kissinger went on network television urging inaction in the face of the massacre, word got out about his deals in Beijing. Rather than address them, he described the criticisms as “McCarthyism,” insisting there was no link between his views on China and his business ventures.
Kissinger’s reputation survived the substantial conflict of interest. And he continued to work hard shaping and steering America’s approach to China over the course of the next several decades. And more deals came.
In February 1995, Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich visited Taipei and argued that Taiwan should be admitted to the United Nations. Beijing, of course, was outraged. They viewed Taiwan as a province of China, not as an independent country. Kissinger “personally admonished” Gingrich for suggesting such a thing.
In 1997, Kissinger became a crucial advisor to a corporate lobbying group that wanted better U.S.-China relations and was eager for China’s admission into the World Trade Organization. At the time, Justice Department officials argued that his activity “strains the limits of lobbying disclosure laws and possibly violates the Foreign Agents Registration Act.”
Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger makes remarks during the second meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue in Washington, DC, on May 22, 2007. (Chris Kleponis/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
Still, he continued to appear before the public as an impartial analyst on U.S.-China relations. At various times, he was a paid media commentator by ABC News, CBS, and CNN. In a few instances, he was forced to disclose his commercial links to Beijing. In a 2005 piece for the Washington Post, he explained that containment of China was not needed and would not work. He added: “Before dealing with the need of keeping the relationship from becoming hostage to reciprocal pinpricks, I must point out that the consulting company I chair advises clients with business interests around the world, including China. Also, in early May I spent a week in China, much of it as a guest of the government.”
Kissinger’s relationship with the Beijing regime includes more than just informal consultations and help with his clients. The Chinese government appointed Kissinger to the international advisory council of the China Development Bank (CDB), a government-backed bank erected to compete with Western financial institutions like the World Bank.
Kissinger has helped in other ways, too. He has used his prestige as an added gloss to Chinese government-backed events. In 2009, the Chinese government established the China Center for International Economic Exchange (CCIEE), which the government’s central planning agency oversees. Indeed, Chinese premier Wen Jiabao created the organization by directive. The organization’s personnel office also serves as the office of its Party Committee’s Discipline Inspection Committee—which should tell you everything you need to know about who controls the organization. CCIEE organized “a major international conference” with Bloomberg, and Henry Kissinger served as the conference’s advisory board chair. In his words, the purpose of the meetings was “making the national goals of China and the United States compatible.”
Chinese Communist Party Leader Xi Jinping (right) shakes hands with former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, China, on Nov. 8, 2018. (Thomas Peter/AP)
Kissinger was also given the honored title of “an old friend” of China, as one who has “rendered great help to China.” He is in a rarefied group.
When the Chinese government set up a think tank in Washington, D.C., called the Institute for China-America Studies, it did so in part to be “‘sending a clear message’ about Beijing’s claims on the South China Sea.” Beijing asserts territorial control over vast portions of the ocean, a claim rejected by the Philippines, Japan, Vietnam, and the United States. But Kissinger sent the organization a video message welcoming the new program.
Kissinger’s legacy as a major friend of China is well established in Beijing. As authors Clive Hamilton and Mareike Ohlberg put it, “Kissinger is a revered figure in CCP circles. It’s said that at the Central Party School in Beijing there is only one picture of a foreigner adorning the walls, that of Kissinger.”
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