Sunday, November 22, 2009

OBAMA neutralizes BORDER GUARD fighting MEX DRUG CARTEL - WHY?

THERE HAS NEVER BEEN ANY EVIDENCE OF A TREAT FROM AFGHANISTAN OR IRAQ TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE!

THE THREAT IS FROM THE FUCKING SAUDIS THAT INVADED US 9-11, AND HAVE BEEN IN BED WITH BUSH SAUDI CARLYLE GROUP LONG BEFORE.

THE BUSH FAMILY HAS STARTED TWO (2) WARS WITH IRAQ TO PROTECT THE SAUDIS FROM SADDAM. WHILE THE SAUDIS HAVE FUCKED US COMING AND GOING. GOOGLE BUSH SAUDI, AND SAUDI WAHHABI.

THE GREATEST THREAT TO THIS NATION IS THE MEXICAN INVASION, THE MEXICAN DRUG CARTEL, THE MEXICAN OCCUPIERS THAT LOATHE THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, OUR FLAG, OUR LANGUAGE OUR LAWS!

EVEN WITH UNEMPLOYMENT SOARING, BARACK OBAMA IS CONNIVING ANOTHER LA RAZA AMNESTY = VOTES OF ILLEGALS.

EVEN WITH MEXICAN GANG VIOLENCE IN EVERY CITY, AND IN LOS ANGELES MEX GANGS MURDER 500 – 1,000 PEOPLE YEARLY, OBAMA HAD TAKEN OFF 400 BORDER CONTROL GUARDS, AND NANCY PELOSI, WHO HAS LONG HIRED ILLEGALS AT HER ST. HELENA, NAPA WINERY VOWS THE WALL WILL NEVER BE BUILT.

THE LA RAZA DEMS, WITH BARBARA BOXER RUNNING FOR 6 MORE YEARS OF CORRUPTION TO FILL HER POCKETS, WILL NEVER WORK FOR US! THEY CAUSED THE BANKSTERS’ RAPE AND PILLAGE, THE COUNTRY TO BE FLOODED WITH 40 MILLION MEX FLAG WAVERS, AND THE FORECLOSURES OF MILLIONS OF HOMES BY CROOKED BANKSTERS THEY THEN HANDED !NO! PRISON TIME TO AND MUCHO BONUSES!

THEY WILL ALWAYS SELL US OUT!

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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Monday, September 28, 2009

And T.J. BONNER, president of the National Border Patrol Council, will weigh in on the federal government’s decision to pull nearly 400 agents from the U.S.-Mexican border.

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“As the drug wars rage, leaving more than 16,000 dead in three years, the United States and Mexico are desperate to get more federal agents on the streets.”


U.S., Mexico align against common foe: brutal narcotics trade
After long era of mistrust, nations merge training, intelligence and technology
By William Booth and Steve Fainaru
Sunday, November 22, 2009
MEXICO CITY -- To avenge the arrest of their leader, Mexican drug cartel commandos went on a rampage this summer across the lawless state of Michoacan, seizing 12 Mexican police officers and dumping their bound and stripped corpses in a pile beside a busy highway.
The slaughtered federal agents, it later emerged, had something in common: All had been vetted and trained by the U.S. government to work alongside its anti-narcotics agents. Officials said the American connection made them high-value targets for the cartels, which are lashing back ruthlessly against a military crackdown involving unprecedented cooperation between the two countries.
After decades of mistrust and sometimes betrayal, Mexican and U.S. authorities are increasingly setting aside their differences to unite against a common enemy. According to interviews in Washington and Mexico City, the two countries are sharing sensitive intelligence and computer technology, military hardware and, perhaps most importantly, U.S. know-how to train and vet Mexican agents. Police and soldiers secretly on the cartels' payroll have long poisoned efforts at cross-border cooperation against some of the world's most dangerous criminal organizations.
"The recognition by both sides, at the highest levels, that we have a shared responsibility for drug trafficking and serious crime in Mexico is a watershed change," said John Feeley, the deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Mexico.
The newly robust partnership is still risky, uneasy and freighted with old suspicions. U.S. law enforcement officials said it is being forged with the assurance by the U.S. State Department that Mexico's weak law enforcement agencies will overcome a history of incompetence and corruption, and that the closed ranks of the Mexican military, which operates with virtual impunity, can get past its hostility to outsiders.
U.S. officials also acknowledge that the growing cooperation is still a gamble. With their almost limitless resources, drug traffickers have corrupted top crime fighters in President Felipe Calderón's administration, including the head of the attorney general's organized-crime unit. A cartel spy penetrated the Interpol office here and claims to have worked inside the U.S. Embassy to steal secrets from the Drug Enforcement Administration.
The new relationship goes well beyond, and builds upon, the Merida Initiative, the $1.4 billion U.S. anti-narcotics package to Mexico launched by the Bush administration. That three-year agreement includes the promise of Black Hawk helicopters, night-vision goggles and gamma-ray scanners to search for guns and cash at the U.S.-Mexico border.
But now, for the first time, the U.S. and Mexican armed forces regularly exchange classified intelligence in real time, often through Mexican officers embedded at the U.S. Northern Command in Colorado Springs and at an interagency task force in Key West, Fla. The task force, which is responsible for military satellite and maritime surveillance over the Caribbean and eastern Pacific, relays information to the Mexican navy and air force to interdict drugs moving north.
In addition, Mexican technicians are using U.S. government software to help build Platform Mexico, a computer network housed in a new five-story bunker at the edge of Mexico City. When the facility opens next week, the network will connect Mexican authorities with U.S. law enforcement databases. The most useful information, such as traces of weapons used in crimes, is being translated into Spanish.
"This is one of our most important reforms because if you don't have the intelligence, the information, you are just reacting. This will make us proactive," said José Francisco Niembro González, director of Platform Mexico.
While hardware and technology are important, senior officials in both governments describe the vetting program as the linchpin for their new levels of information sharing. Under an agreement with the Mexican government, U.S. agencies administer lie-detector tests and background checks for hundreds of Mexican agents now working with U.S. counterparts. These vetted units, which include elements in the Mexican military, are cleared to receive U.S. intelligence, including access to undercover agents and confidential informants.
The murder of the 12 agents in Michoacan represents the deadliest attack against the Mexican federal police in the modern era. The officers were ambushed just as they were about to launch an operation against a leader of La Familia, one of Mexico's newest and most violent drug mafias. Instead, in the middle of the night, 20 heavily armed men, dressed in stolen uniforms and impersonating federal officers, burst into their rented house and kidnapped them.
The Mexican agents were betrayed by local residents and captured by the trafficker they sought, Servando "La Tuta" Gomez-Martinez, who then ordered the 12 officers executed, according to an account given to The Washington Post by Ramon Eduardo Pequeno, a top official in the federal police who commanded the slain agents.
These were not the first federal police officers vetted by the United States to have been assassinated by traffickers, said a U.S. source familiar with the program. But U.S. and Mexican officials remain convinced of its effectiveness.
Last month, vetted Mexican agents provided information that helped lead to the arrest of more than 300 U.S.-based suppliers for La Familia, according to U.S. officials.
"I would take an oath in court that those vetted units have been the key to a number of arrests in Mexico and the United States," said Anthony Placido, the DEA's chief of intelligence. "What it's basically enabled us to do is play Ping-Pong: They share information with us, we share it with them, and we all use it to make cases. We arrest people and flip them, and then pass information down to them."
Prosecutors say that Mexican traffickers fear life sentences in U.S. prisons more than death.
Mexican authorities are now arresting their own citizens in drug trafficking cases developed by the U.S. Justice Department and transferring defendants north for trial -- which would have been seen as an unthinkable breach of Mexican sovereignty just a few years ago. Mexico has extradited a record 284 defendants for prosecution in the United States over the past three years, fulfilling a treaty obligation that was ignored until Calderón took office in December 2006.
The reputed leader of the Gulf cartel, Osiel Cárdenas, was flown to Houston in shackles in 2007. This summer his trial was abruptly cancelled without explanation, as rumors swirl that Cárdenas, known as "the Killer of Friends," cut a deal with the DEA to provide information.
As the drug wars rage, leaving more than 16,000 dead in three years, the United States and Mexico are desperate to get more federal agents on the streets. By spring, the two governments hope to graduate more than 10,000 cadets from a new U.S.-funded training academy in San Luis Potosi.
The cadets are required to complete a seven-week crash course in basic detective work taught by instructors from the United States, Canada and Colombia working alongside Mexican agents.
The academy recruits college graduates, and classrooms and firing ranges on the manicured campus are filled with young lawyers, engineers, biochemists and computer scientists who study a curriculum developed by retired FBI agents and taught by active-duty officers borrowed from the Secret Service, DEA, the Marshals Service and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives.
"Our new training will create a new, better federal police force with new values," said Mauricio Sanchez Rincon, 23, who has a college degree in computer science and is one of the 3,259 fresh-faced cadets. "Those values are discipline, respect, and honesty. That's going to be important in convincing people they can have faith in us, that they can approach us and not be afraid."
U.S. and Mexican officials trace the change in the relationship to Calderón, who put the Mexican army in charge of fighting the drug war and approached the Bush administration with the proposal for a partnership that became the Merida Initiative.
For the first time, the Mexican navy participated in joint military exercises with the United States earlier this year. Frank Mora, U.S. deputy assistant secretary of defense for Western Hemispheric affairs, said the military-to-military cooperation has expanded to include counternarcotics, intelligence analysis and helicopter pilot training.
"It's not just the Mexicans needing us," he said. "It is us needing the Mexicans."
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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Thursday, April 9, 2009

Plus, outrage after President Obama prepares to push ahead with his plan for so-called comprehensive immigration reform. Pres. Obama is fulfilling a campaign promise to give
legal status to millions of illegal aliens as he panders to the pro-amnesty, open borders lobby. Tonight we will have complete coverage.
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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Monday, February 16, 2009
Construction of the 670 miles of border fence mandated by the Bush administration is almost complete. The Border Patrol says the new fencing, more agents and new technology
have reduced illegal alien apprehensions. But fence opponents are trying to stop the last few miles from being finished.
LA RAZA NANCY PELOSI HAS VOWED THE WALL WILL NEVER BE BUILT. SHE HAS LONG ILLEGALLY HIRED ILLEGALS AT HER ST. HELENA, NAPA CA WINERY!
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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Friday, October 16, 2009

E-Verify- the single most successful federal program aimed at keeping illegal immigrants out of the workforce- is once again threatened. This time, E-Verify was stripped from a Senate Amendment behind closed doors and without explanation. Instead of becoming a permanent program E-verify has been reduced to only three years. Critics are calling this a stall tactic and an attempt at killing an employment enforcement system. We will have a full report tonight.

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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Wednesday, October 14, 2009

New attempts to put comprehensive immigration reform back on the front burner. Congressman Luis Gutierrez -- the chair of the Democratic Caucus Immigration Task Force -- is unveiling new legislation that would call for amnesty for the up to 20 million illegal immigrants in this country.
Congressman Gutierrez will join me tonight


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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Tuesday, October 6, 2009

The Obama administration could be weakening a successful joint federal and local program aimed at keeping illegal immigrants off our streets. "287 G" gives local police the training and authority to enforce federal immigration law. Supporters of the program believe the ministration wants to limit the program to criminal illegal immigrants already in custody -- limiting the investigative authority of police.
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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Monday, September 28, 2009

And T.J. BONNER, president of the National Border Patrol Council, will weigh in on the federal government’s decision to pull nearly 400 agents from the U.S.-Mexican border.
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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Tuesday, September 08, 2009

Federal contractors now must use E-verify to check the status of their employees on federal projects. The rule which goes into effect today will affect almost 169,000 contractors and some 3.8 million workers. The E-verify program has an accuracy rating of 99.6% but has been repeatedly challenged by the U.S. Chamber of Congress. We will have a full report tonight.
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Lou Dobbs Tonight
And there are some 800,000 gang members in this country: That’s more than the combined number of troops in our Army and Marine Corps. These gangs have become one of the principle ways to import and distribute drugs in the United States. Congressman David Reichert joins Lou to tell us why those gangs are growing larger and stronger, and why he’s introduced legislation to eliminate the top three international drug gangs.
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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Wednesday, March 5, 2008
Immigration experts are appearing on Capitol Hill today to release the results of a study showing the cost of illegal immigration on the criminal justices system in the 24 U.S. counties bordering Mexico–more $1 billion in less than a decade.
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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Thursday, May 28, 2009

Plus drug cartel violence is spreading across our border with Mexico further into the United States. Mexican drug cartels are increasingly being linked to crimes in this country. Joining Lou tonight, from our border with Mexico is the new “border czar” Alan Bersin, the Department of Homeland Security Assistant Secretary for International Affairs and Special Representative for Border Affairs.

Lou Dobbs Tonight
Monday, February 16, 2009
Plus, even open border advocates agree that the most effective way of fighting illegal immigration is to crack down on the employment of illegal aliens. Yet, those same groups are
opposed to E-Verify, which has an initial accuracy rate of 99.6% making it one the most accurate programs ever. E-Verify was stripped from the stimulus bill but who stripped it out and who is opposed to verifying employment status is still not clear.

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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Tuesday, January 13, 2009

In Colorado, over 1,300 illegal aliens are being investigated for applying for improper tax refunds. The ACLU has written a letter to the judge threatening to sue if the judge convenes a grand jury to investigate the case. We will have all the latest developments of the case as well as the ACLU’s bullying in pursuit of their amnesty agenda.
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Lou Dobbs Tonight
Tuesday, February 3, 2009

And WILLIAM GHEEN, the president of Americans for Legal Immigration, breaks down his push for E-Verify—and why the Obama administration is wrong to delay its implementation when it comes to federal contractors

SELLING OUT TO MEXICAN DRUG LORDS - Corruption On Thi Side of The Border

latimes.com
Mexican American former anti-drug chief's reputation on trial
Richard Padilla Cramer is accused of selling out to drug lords, helping them unmask informants and set up smuggling deals. Family and former colleagues say he's the last person they'd suspect.
By Sebastian Rotella

November 22, 2009

Reporting from Nogales, Ariz.

Around here, the grim joke goes, most people work for the government or the mafias.

Or both.

Richard Padilla Cramer apparently had bested the temptations that come with the territory. During three decades in border law enforcement, he made the most of his pitch-perfect Spanish and talent for undercover work. He locked up corrupt officials, racked up drug busts and rose through the ranks. He retired after a coveted stint as a U.S. attache for Immigration and Customs Enforcement in Mexico, the land he had left as a child.

At 56, the former anti-drug chief was an immigrant success story: a decorated Vietnam veteran; a youthful, solidly built grandfather whose three children served in the military and law enforcement.

So his arrest in September resounded in the close-knit law enforcement community like a bomb blast in the desert. The alleged corruption goes beyond the typical case of an inspector waving drug loads north.

In a trial set to begin Monday in Miami, authorities will charge that Cramer sold his talents to drug lords while in Mexico, acting in effect as a counter-espionage consultant helping to unmask informants and set up smuggling deals. Raising fears of gangsters buying the expertise of U.S. law enforcement, investigators predict that the case will widen to bring down more agents.

But several former officials defend Cramer. Friends and family call it an overzealous prosecution based mainly on traffickers-turned-informants.

"Of the people I worked with in my career, he's one of a group of four or five who I would trust with my life," said Terry Kirkpatrick, a retired ICE supervisor. "Unless somebody says, 'Here's a videotape,' I am not going to believe it."

The history of drug wars in Mexico is full of fallen crime-fighters who battled one cartel while on the payroll of another. But that kind of treachery is less frequent among those north of the line. Cramer's case is clouded by the ambiguities and mysteries of the border.

"This is impossible to grasp," said Rene Andreu, a former assistant ICE chief in Tucson. "Richard is old-fashioned in his integrity, his honor, the perceptions people have of him. I can't imagine him taking the risk of having his family look at him differently."

Cramer's daughter Michelle, 33, said that the reality she knows clashes with the image of a high-rolling outlaw. About four months before the Drug Enforcement Administration arrested him in Tucson, Cramer began a $30,000-a-year job as a jailer with the Santa Cruz County Sheriff's Department, the border-area agency in Arizona he had first worked for in the 1970s. He lost about 30 pounds training with cadets half his age, she said. He told friends and family he did it for the challenge and to keep busy.

"He would come home and brag about the push-ups he did, more than the 20-something-year-olds," Michelle Cramer said. "He got sprayed with mace at the academy. . . . He was all red, excited, telling us about it."

Was the return to his roots part of an elaborate cover story or a sign of his gung-ho taste for life in uniform? If he crossed the line into corruption, when did it happen and how?

The investigation started two years ago as an outgrowth of a DEA inquiry on a Mexican drug ring active in Florida. Traffickers boasted that a U.S. official was selling them files that they used to identify traitors. The probe expanded and has targeted other U.S. officials, although it remains to be seen whether they will be charged as accomplices or accused of lesser offenses, such as leaking documents.

A high-ranking federal official, who requested anonymity when discussing the ongoing case, said that Cramer is believed to have been involved in corruption since his years as a chief agent in Nogales. But prosecutors have made no such allegations.

Cramer's story begins in this border town of about 20,000, where his family moved soon after his birth in Guaymas, Mexico. His Irish-born stepfather, a Spanish-American War veteran, died when Cramer was a teenager. His childhood was bilingual and bicultural, according to longtime friend Jaime Huerta, who became a banker and is now a community organizer in Los Angeles.

"We had the benefit of both cultures," Huerta said. "In high school we were the clean-cut guys. We weren't doing drugs. We drank beer, but we were not boozers."

Cramer dropped out to fight in Vietnam because he revered the military and needed to support his mother, Huerta said. Cramer was awarded a Bronze Star. Back home, he married his wife, Carmen, who is from Nogales, and started working at the U.S. Customs Service in 1980.

Graft was a workplace hazard. Cramer soon learned that smugglers prey on rookie Mexican American border inspectors with local ties. A childhood friend was enlisted to offer a bribe, but Cramer alerted his bosses and they set a trap.

"When he was a young inspector, because he was from the area, he got approached by guys about letting loads through," said Kirkpatrick, also an inspector then. "He reported it right away. Eight or nine people got arrested."

Kirkpatrick reminisced during an interview at the Grumpy Gringo, a cigar store he runs among the galleries and cafes in the artist colony of Tubac, north of Nogales. In his 28-year career, Kirkpatrick held top posts in Mexico, Moscow and Washington. He retired last year and decided to indulge his passion for cigars. He has a goatee, wavy hair and a disposition that mixes grumpy and amiable. He prides himself on his wariness, but backs Cramer.

"He and I got death threats because of work we did" locking up corrupt officials, Kirkpatrick said. "If it turns out to be true, I'll never believe anybody ever again."

In the 1980s, Andreu hired Kirkpatrick and Cramer to work in Nogales as customs investigators. Andreu and Cramer became friends while working side by side on stakeouts and raids.

"We have shared laughs, beers and moments of terror," Andreu said, "kicking in a door, hoping there's not somebody ready for you on the other side."

Cramer spoke Spanish like a Mexican. He amassed informants because he knew the cultural nuances. He used warmth, patience and subtlety to avoid the stereotype of the aggressive American.

"Intel gathering, glad-handing, the rapport with the Mexicans, developing sources -- it was his forte," Andreu said.

Customs' main mission was going after smuggling pipelines. Cramer burrowed into investigations, Andreu said.

"His intel was good to the point that we knew exactly when and where vehicles would cross and what vehicle would be used," Andreu said. "Word got out he was a problem. He was causing them to lose a lot of loads, lose money. There was talk of a contract out on him."

Cramer took other risks, developing close ties to informants and giving them his home phone number, Andreu said. "He trusted his sources a bit too much. Others of us would try to isolate our family more."

Moving to his first foreign assignment, Cramer served as assistant attache for customs in Mexico City in the early 1990s. The family enjoyed expatriate life. But Michelle Cramer disagrees with a judge who denied her father bail on the grounds that he might flee to Mexico because of his dual citizenship and many contacts.

"When we came back from Mexico, we said: 'We're home,' " she said. "We're Americans."

Cramer worked next in internal affairs in El Centro, Calif. In 2001, he became resident agent in charge in Nogales, leading two dozen agents. In 2004, the newly formed ICE -- which had incorporated customs investigators -- gave him another attache post: running a small office in the U.S. consulate in Guadalajara.

Bloodshed had escalated dramatically since his last tour, but Cramer and his wife enjoyed Mexico's second-largest and proudly traditional city, friends and family said. Three years later, Cramer rejected the offer of a post in Ciudad Juarez because of that city's violence, his daughter said. He retired after 27 years with the federal government.

Cramer stayed in Guadalajara for about a year. He looked into finding security work for a U.S. company, and did part-time consulting and translating for a Mexican lawyer.

"His preference was to stay there," Huerta said. "He had made a home for himself there."

Informants told the DEA that a drug lord had convinced Cramer to retire and work for him full-time. A federal complaint charges that Cramer invested $40,000 in a shipment of cocaine from Panama that got busted in Spain. Cramer was so close to the gangsters that he communicated with them via a push-to-talk phone registered to his Arizona home, and even quarreled with them, the complaint alleges.

"The leader of the [drug organization] and Cramer had a fight . . . over the 300 kilograms of cocaine and as a result of the fight, Cramer reluctantly severed ties" with the organization, the complaint says. It quotes a recorded conversation in which traffickers said that Cramer had "very powerful friends" -- including two or three DEA agents in Mexico.

Given the gravity of the charges, Cramer's defenders find it strange that authorities have not frozen his assets. They wonder whether interagency animosity played a role in the prosecution. They think that informants who were facing prison terms concocted the corruption charges as a bargaining chip.

In fact, crucial testimony comes from informants such as the one who met with a suspected trafficker in Miami in 2007 while under surveillance. Saying he had received a DEA document by e-mail from Cramer, the trafficker accessed his computer to download it, according to the complaint.

The informant reported later that he had spotted the sender's e-mail address: "corpsmanpop." Relatives confirm that is Cramer's e-mail. It alludes to his son, who idolized him and was inspired to join the Marines by his father's service in Vietnam. When an injury forced the son to leave boot camp, he enlisted in the Navy instead, became a corpsman, and saw action tending to wounded soldiers under fire in Iraq.

If Cramer is found not guilty, it would seem that investigators went astray. If not, his life was apparently a scam: an anti-drug warrior who betrayed his friends, a father who deceived his children.

It remains hard to explain how traffickers obtained at least 10 criminal history documents that Cramer allegedly downloaded from U.S. databases. His friends say that he may have slipped the information to friends in Mexican law enforcement as a favor, without knowing they were on the take.

"It happens," Kirkpatrick said. "He could have given it to a comandante legitimately, then it ended up with a trafficker. You are not supposed to give documents to the Mexicans like that. If he did it, shame on him. But it's not the same as the charges in the complaint."