Wednesday, May 19, 2010


Tuesday, May 11, 2010

Ex-official said to help get drugs to U.S.

by Jerry Seper

The ex-governor of the Mexican state of Quintana Roo took "millions of dollars" in bribes to order his state police to serve as armed guards for smugglers as they off-loaded and transported more than 200 tons of cocaine from Colombian speedboats that eventually found their way to the U.S., court records show.
Mario Villanueva Madrid, extradited to this country late Sunday to stand trial on charges of accepting bribes from the infamous Juarez drug cartel, also is accused of laundering nearly $19 million in illicit drug profits through accounts at Lehman Brothers in New York and elsewhere.
Two separate indictments in the case say Villanueva was paid $400,000 to $500,000 for each cocaine shipment transported through his state over a five-year period ending in 1998. The indictments say state police provided armed protection for cartel boat crews as they off-loaded the cocaine and then escorted the shipments hidden inside tanker trucks as they traveled through the state.
Quintana Roo is located in southeastern Mexico, bordering Belize and Guatemala on the Yucatan Peninsula.
"Villanueva allegedly abused the trust placed in him by the citizens of Quintana Roo when he facilitated drug trafficking and money laundering across international borders," said Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) Special Agent in Charge John P. Gilbride, who heads the agency's New York field office.
Villanueva was turned over by Mexican authorities to the DEA and the U.S. Marshals Service at the airport in White Plains, N.Y., late Sunday.
Also indicted was Consuelo Marquez, 39, a former Lehman Brothers account representative in New York, accused of participating in the laundering of millions of dollars of illicit drug profits for the cartel. She pleaded guilty in 2005 to conspiring to launder $11 million in drug proceeds for the former governor and later was sentenced to three years' probation.
The indictments say Villanueva and his son, Luis Ernesto Villanueva Tenorio, deposited large amounts of drug proceeds into foreign and U.S. bank and brokerage accounts. They said the two men had enlisted Marquez's assistance to conceal their ownership and avoid the detection by law enforcement.
Marquez used her positions at Serfin Securities, a Mexican investment firm with offices in New York, and later with Lehman Brothers to establish offshore corporations structured to conceal the drug profits and their ownership, the indictments say.
According to the indictments, Villanueva, in an effort to hide the illicit funds, began transferring cash to bank and brokerage accounts in the United States, Switzerland, the Bahamas, Panama and Mexico, many of which were held in the names of British Virgin Islands shell corporations. Several of the accounts were established at Lehman Brothers with Marquez's assistance.
The indictments say the Juarez cartel established operations in 1994 in Quintana Roo, where it used speedboats with armed crews to rendezvous off the Atlantic coast of Central America with Colombian drug smugglers. They say the Colombian boats were laden with shipments of cocaine ranging from 1 ton to 3 tons, which was off-loaded onto Juarez cartel boats that brought the drugs into Mexico at night to avoid detection by U.S. Coast Guard and Mexican naval patrol vessels.
The ton-quantity shipments of cocaine, according to the indictments, were transported to Quintana Roo port cities, including Cancun and Calderitas, as well as the state capital, Chetumal. The shipments were also transported to Quintana Roo by small planes leaving from clandestine airstrips in Belize, the indictments say. They say some of the drugs were stored in facilities owned by the Office of the Governor until they could be shipped to the U.S.
In March 1999, Villanueva's term as governor expired, and with it his immunity from prosecution under the Mexican constitution. That month, he fled and remained a fugitive for more than two years, during which he deposited more than $11 million in the Lehman accounts through a series of wire transfers.
In May 2001, Villanueva was located by Mexican authorities and the DEA in remote areas in the Yucatan Peninsula. Following his arrest, he was prosecuted by Mexican authorities and convicted in a Mexican court on organized crime and corruption offenses.
He was released in June 2007 but immediately taken

MEXICANIZATION of AMERICAN LAW ENFORCEMENT - Drug Cartels Extend Corrupting Influence



The Mexicanization of American Law Enforcement

The drug cartels extend their corrupting influence northward.

Beheadings and amputations. Iraqi-style brutality, bribery, extortion, kidnapping, and murder. More than 7,200 dead—almost double last year’s tally—in shoot-outs between federales and often better-armed drug cartels. This is modern Mexico, whose president, Felipe Calderón, has been struggling since 2006 to wrest his country from the grip of four powerful cartels and their estimated 100,000 foot soldiers.
But chillingly, there are signs that one of the worst features of Mexico’s war on drugs—law enforcement officials on the take from drug lords—is becoming an American problem as well. Most press accounts focus on the drug-related violence that has migrated north into the United States. Far less widely reported is the infiltration and corruption of American law enforcement, according to Robert Killebrew, a retired U.S. Army colonel and senior fellow at the Washington-based Center for a New American Security. “This is a national security problem that does not yet have a name,” he wrote last fall in The National Strategy Forum Review. The drug lords, he tells me, are seeking to “hollow out our institutions, just as they have in Mexico.”
Corruption indictments and convictions linked to drug-trafficking organizations, known in police parlance as DTOs, are popping up in FBI press releases with disturbing frequency. In April, for instance, the U.S. Attorney’s office in the Southern District of Texas announced that Sergio Lopez Hernandez, a 40-year-old Customs and Border Protection inspector, had been convicted of drug trafficking, alien smuggling, and bribery. Hernandez pleaded guilty to accepting over $150,000 in bribes and to conspiring to sell cocaine and bring illegal aliens into the country.
Or consider the case of border inspector Margarita Crispin—“precisely the kind of border corruption case that alarms us,” says William Abbott, an assistant special agent in charge of the FBI’s criminal branch in El Paso, Texas. In 2005, he says, a federal informant tipped off the Bureau that Crispin was deliberately ignoring traffickers who moved drugs and other contraband through her border post. Then, in the spring of 2006, a van that had just gone through Crispin’s lane sputtered out of gas. The driver abandoned the vehicle and fled back across the border into Mexico—and when other inspectors opened the van’s doors, they found nearly 6,000 pounds of marijuana in plain sight. Crispin couldn’t explain why she hadn’t noticed the stash when she had examined the vehicle, according to an FBI press release on the case and an official who worked on it.
Another year of surveillance uncovered evidence of Crispin’s drug-cartel connections. Though she lived simply in El Paso, she socialized with known drug traffickers in Mexico and had bought two expensive homes and several luxury vehicles there through straw purchasers. Crispin was then arrested. After pleading guilty in 2008 to conspiring to import drugs and abusing the public trust, she was sentenced to 20 years in prison and ordered to forfeit $5 million in assets she was estimated to have stolen.
Government investigators believe that Crispin had been working for the cartels for at least a year before she applied to become an inspector. In other words, federal screening failed to detect that, at the time she applied for her job, the cartels had already recruited her to facilitate their cross-border trafficking. At one point, federal investigators say, Crispin claimed to have wanted out of her arrangement with the cartels. “But we think she was kidnapped and forcibly taken back to Mexico to remind her of whom she was working for,” Abbott says. Having family in both Juárez and El Paso, cities within sight of each other across the border, Crispin found herself trapped.
Abbott says that the Crispin case is atypical. But the potential damage, he stresses, is huge. “You have the mule: an illegal immigrant who carries five pounds of marijuana in his backpack across the border through the desert. Compare that with the border inspector who waves through five completely loaded vans, as she did.”
Experts disagree about how deep this rot runs. Some try to downplay the phenomenon, dismissing the law enforcement officials who have succumbed to bribes or intimidation from the drug cartels as a few bad apples. Peter Nuñez, a former U.S. attorney who lectures at the University of San Diego, says he does not believe that there has been a noticeable surge of cartel-related corruption along the border, partly because the FBI, which has been historically less corrupt than its state and local counterparts, has significantly ratcheted up its presence there. “It’s harder to be as corrupt today as locals were in the 1970s, when there wasn’t a federal agent around for hundreds of miles,” he says.
But Jason Ackleson, an associate professor of government at New Mexico State University, disagrees. “U.S. Customs and Border Protection is very alert to the problem,” he tells me. “Their internal investigations caseload is going up, and there are other cases that are not being publicized.” While corruption is not widespread, “if you increase the overall number of law enforcement officers as dramatically as we have”—from 9,000 border agents and inspectors prior to 9/11 to a planned 20,000 by the end of 2009—“you increase the possibility of corruption due to the larger number of people exposed to it and tempted by it.” Note, too, that Drug Enforcement Agency data suggest that Mexican cartels are operating in at least 230 American cities.
Washington is taking no chances. In recent months, the FBI’s Criminal Division has created seven multiagency task forces and assigned 120 agents to investigate public corruption, drug-related and otherwise, in the Southwest border region, says Debbie Weierman of the FBI’s public-affairs office in Washington. Meanwhile, Customs and Border Protection, the largest U.S. law enforcement agency, has increased the number of its internal investigators over three years from five to 220.
And David Shirk, director of the San Diego–based Trans-Border Institute and a political scientist at the University of San Diego, says that recent years have seen an “alarming” increase in the number of Department of Homeland Security personnel being investigated for possible corruption. “The number of cases filed against DHS agents in recent years is in the hundreds,” says Shirk. “And that, obviously, is a potentially huge problem.” An August 2009 investigation by the Associated Press supports his assessment. Based on records obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, court records, and interviews with sentenced agents, the AP concluded that more than 80 federal, state, and local border-control officials had been convicted of corruption-related crimes since 2007, soon after President Calderón launched his war on the cartels. Over the previous ten months, the AP data showed, 20 Customs and Border Protection agents alone had been charged with a corruption-related crime. If that pace continued, the reporters concluded, “the organization will set a new record for in-house corruption.”
While the FBI task forces focus mainly on corruption along the border, cartel-related vice has spread much deeper into the American heartland. Consider New Mexico’s San Juan County, some 450 miles north of the border, where the U.S. Attorney’s office has recently prosecuted a startling corruption case that may be a portent of things to come.
Back in 1994, Ken Christesen was a detective in the Four Corners, the region where the borders of Colorado, Arizona, Utah, and New Mexico meet. That was the year that one Miguel Tarango was convicted of murdering a member of a rival drug gang in a territorial dispute. The conviction made Christesen realize that the Tarango family was “far more significant than we had initially thought” in the local drug trade, he tells me over coffee at Donna Kay’s, a popular café in Bloomfield, New Mexico.
Even in a county where 80 to 90 percent of all serious crimes are linked to drugs—an area where “you can’t swing a dead cat without hitting a drug dealer”—the Tarangos stood out. The family was locally based but had ties to Mexico’s Sinaloa and Juárez cartels, and it had big ideas about controlling the lucrative trade in methamphetamine and other illicit drugs in San Juan County. The clan’s rising star was Daniel Tarango, Jr., a short, slim, American-born hipster with a pencil-thin mustache, a fondness for black T-shirts, and no visible means of support. After his father and uncle were convicted of heavy-duty meth trafficking, sent to federal prison, and deported, Danny, known to local cops as “the Runt,” took charge of the family business.
By 2002, Christesen had become a lieutenant in the San Juan County sheriff’s office, where he participated in Operation Farmland, an effort run by a federal, state, and local alliance called the Region II Narcotics Task Force. The operation, which targeted meth sales in the Four Corners, ended in 2003 with 250 people charged, among them Mike Marshall, a former sheriff’s deputy sentenced to five years in federal prison for distributing drugs. Christesen happened to know that Marshall and Danny Tarango had often been seen together. If Tarango had befriended Marshall, Christesen reasoned, might he also be trying to get inside information from active cops about the task force itself?
The hero of Operation Farmland was Levi Countryman, then a San Juan County sheriff’s deputy who had gotten many of the tips and intelligence that led to the massive arrests. Despite Countryman’s ostensibly heroic role in Farmland, Christesen was suspicious. Farmland hadn’t fingered a single member of the Tarango clan, despite its growing prominence in the county drug trade. And despite Farmland’s apparent success, methamphetamine still flowed freely into Farmington, Bloomfield, Shiprock, Aztec, and other forlorn, trailer-strewn desert towns in the Four Corners.
Christesen concluded that Danny Tarango and Levi Countryman were working together—that “we made the arrests, Levi became a hero, and Danny got rich by eliminating his competition,” Christesen recalls. But he had no proof. Nevertheless, when he took over the Narcotics Task Force in October 2004, he quietly put Levi Countryman at the top of his target list.
Christesen’s suspicions about Countryman had been reinforced in the spring of 2004, when officers searching one of Danny Tarango’s many houses found an all-terrain vehicle registered in Countryman’s name. What was Countryman’s ATV doing in the Runt’s garage? Under intense scrutiny, Countryman resigned as deputy sheriff and told friends that he would enter the private sector as a stock trader.
But sensitive task-force information kept leaking out to the Tarangos, much to Christesen’s frustration. Every time Christesen got close to persuading someone to talk or testify in a drug-related case, the inquiry would fall apart. A parade of witnesses who had agreed to testify would suddenly change their minds. One potential witness in a drug case against Josh Tarango, Danny’s younger brother, refused to testify in 2006 after her daughter’s car was burned on her front lawn. “Every time we got close to tying Tarango to Countryman,” Christesen recalls, “an informant would be burned”—intimidated, that is. “I began to think that our own building was bugged. I even asked the FBI to do a sweep.” Tired of waiting for federal help, “we finally bought old equipment and did it ourselves.” The sweep turned up nothing. Meanwhile, violence in San Juan County kept escalating, much of it apparently tied to Danny Tarango.
In January 2007, the FBI finally responded to Christesen’s repeated appeals and quietly opened an investigation into whether the task force’s operations were being compromised from within. Because everyone on the task force was potentially a suspect, the FBI agents told no one in local law enforcement—not even Christesen—precisely what they were doing and whom they were targeting. But after wiretapping Danny Tarango’s cell-phone calls, they discovered that information about the task force was still being provided by Countryman. Christesen’s suspicions were all too true: Countryman was getting his information from a state police officer named Keith Salazar, one of the unit’s most trusted, experienced members. Countryman and Tarango even referred to Salazar by the code name “Candy” because the information he provided was so “sweet.”
In court, Salazar later argued that he had been forced to betray his fellow officers—that Countryman had threatened, if Salazar refused to cooperate, not only to expose the fact that he had skimmed funds from the task force’s kitty, but also to harm him and his family. But the cell-phone conversations that prosecutor Reeve Swainston played in court made a mockery of that claim. Calling each other several times a day, referring to each other as “bro,” joking and swearing like fraternity brothers staging college pranks, Salazar and Countryman were obviously close friends who enjoyed their dirty work. Salazar eagerly provided Countryman with the names of his fellow officers, even those serving undercover. He gave Countryman pictures he had taken of them, their home addresses, their birth dates and Social Security numbers, and detailed descriptions of their cars and license-plate numbers. He also disclosed the identity of confidential informants; the dates, times, and locations of impending search warrants; the nature of ongoing antidrug investigations in New Mexico and Colorado; and other material that Countryman requested. And he did all this for just $1,000 a month from Tarango.
For his part, Countryman was the perfect middleman. As soon as he got sensitive information from “Candy,” he would call Tarango and pass it along. As a result, Salazar never had to talk to Tarango or meet with him, insulating him from scrutiny. All three men used cell phones specifically dedicated to their double-dealing, creating what Swainston called in his indictment a “compartmentalized line of communication.” But Countryman was more than a go-between; he also distributed some of the methamphetamine he received from Tarango, street profits from which supplemented the $8,000 a month that Tarango routinely paid him.
Christesen suspected that Tarango had turned other law enforcement officers and local and state officials, and he hoped that the FBI’s investigation would uncover them. But the FBI had to cut short its investigation and move against the three men in December 2007, after agents overheard Tarango and Countryman discussing ways to intimidate and possibly harm a deputy sheriff. Among the tactics they discussed were following the deputy’s wife around town, taking photos of her and her children, leaving a photo of her on her car, throwing hypodermic needles on her lawn, delivering a box filled with dying rats to the family’s home, and leaving a pig’s head on the front porch. They agreed that this might send her a message that “her husband needs to back off,” a court document states, quoting part of an intercepted conversation between Tarango and Countryman. Further, the FBI overheard Tarango telling Countryman that he had watched the family’s home at various hours, and Countryman telling Tarango that this deputy’s “ass needed to be whacked.”
Tarango vetoed the proposal, but the FBI had heard enough. Arrest warrants for all three men were promptly issued. But before Tarango could be served, he escaped to Mexico. When the police arrested Countryman at a Denny’s restaurant in Farmington, the county seat, they found a handgun in his truck. In a safe at his home were 13 more firearms, $18,000 in cash, and almost eight pounds of marijuana.
In a sentencing memorandum, Countryman said that his heavy drinking had “clouded” his judgment and asked to be enrolled in a substance-abuse program. Countryman and Salazar pleaded guilty to conspiring to distribute drugs and were each sentenced to six years in prison. Their attorneys argued successfully in court for lighter sentences because of their post-arrest cooperation with law enforcement. And this past June, for reasons that remain murky, Danny Tarango returned from Mexico. His trial is expected to begin soon.
Christesen, who is now running for sheriff in San Juan County, still fears that Danny Tarango’s web of corruption may have been far broader than the public has been told. In the wake of the Countryman and Salazar arrests, the New Mexico state police’s narcotics division was quietly disbanded and reorganized. The fact that the state said so little about its actions leads Christesen and others to believe that the conspiracy may have involved other, still-unnamed, corrupt cops, border patrol agents, and public officials.
But “law enforcement and the communities they serve have been irreversibly damaged” merely by the information that Salazar and Countryman gave Tarango and his Mexican associates, Christesen wrote in a statement that he gave to prosecutor Swainston. In his own statement, Swainston asserted that nine separate law enforcement agencies in New Mexico and six in Colorado had been damaged by Salazar’s betrayal. “It is hard to imagine anything more frightening for a law enforcement officer than to find out after the fact that those upon whom you just executed a . . . search warrant knew you were coming because one of your own told them so,” Swainston wrote in an impassioned 47-page sentencing memorandum.
“Cops hate these cases, hate to investigate and prosecute them, because it shows we’re not perfect, that we’re vulnerable to corruption like other human beings,” Christesen says. “A Salazar looks bad for all of us. But how many other counties like ours are there in the Southwest? How can we be sure that our law enforcement system isn’t being Mexicanized? I’m worried that they’ll start with bribes, and end as they have in Mexico, with intimidation and murder.”
Michael Hayden, director of the Central Intelligence Agency under President George W. Bush, called the prospect of a narco-state in Mexico one of the gravest threats to American national security, second only to al-Qaida and on par with a nuclear-armed Iran. But the threat to American law enforcement is still often underestimated, say Christesen and other law enforcement officials.
Last year, FBI officials tell me, the Bureau worked on nearly 2,500 public corruption cases and convicted more than 700 dishonest public servants throughout the nation. Most of them were unrelated to the cartels, and Special Agent Abbott, of the FBI’s criminal branch in El Paso, says that only 15 to 30 of his region’s cases so far have involved drug-related corruption among law enforcement officials. “But given the damage that can be done by just one corrupt officer or inspector,” he adds, “this is an important vulnerability. We know it.”
Judith Miller is a contributing editor of City Journal, an adjunct fellow at the Manhattan Institute, and a FOX News contributor.


OBAMA THE ACTOR EXPRESSES…. “outrage”…. Then opens the borders wider for more illegals!

“President Obama expressed outrage Sunday over the broad-daylight massacre in Juarez of a pregnant American U.S. consular employee and her husband, which left their 1-year-old baby wailing in the back of their car.”


• $49 billion for law enforcement along America's borders to cut off the flow of illegal drugs. This year, 25 million Americans will snort, swallow, inject and smoke illicit drugs, about 10 million more than in 1970, with the bulk of those drugs imported from Mexico.

The Associated Press has just dropped a bombshell on America's longest running war and the headline says it all: "The US Drug War has Met None of its Goals".
The extensive piece reviews the last 40 years, starting with President Nixon's official launch of the War on Drugs all the way to President Obama's annual strategy released this week.
I have been the director of media relations at the Drug Policy Alliance for ten years and this is one of the hardest hitting indictments against the drug war I've ever seen. And because the story comes from the Associated Press, it will run in hundreds of papers around the world, reaching tens of millions of people.
The piece packs a punch from the start: "After 40 years, the United States' War on Drugs has cost $1 trillion dollars and hundreds of thousands of lives, and for what? Drug use is rampant and violence more brutal and widespread."
Using Freedom of Information Act requests, archival records, federal budgets, and interviews with leaders and analysts, the AP tracked where that money went -- and found that the U.S. repeatedly increased budgets for programs that did nothing to stop the flow of drugs. The AP article states that in 40 years taxpayers spent more than:
• $20 billion to fight the drug gangs in their home countries. In Colombia, for example, the United States spent more than6 billion, while coca cultivation increased and trafficking moved to Mexico - and the violence along with it.
• *
• $33 billion in marketing "Just Say No"-style messages to America's youth and other prevention programs. High school students report the same rates of illegal drug use as they did in 1970, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention says drug overdoses have "risen steadily" since the early 1970s to more than 20,000 last year.
• *
• $49 billion for law enforcement along America's borders to cut off the flow of illegal drugs. This year, 25 million Americans will snort, swallow, inject and smoke illicit drugs, about 10 million more than in 1970, with the bulk of those drugs imported from Mexico.
• *
• $121 billion to arrest more than 37 million nonviolent drug offenders, about 10 million of them for possession of marijuana. Studies show that jail time tends to increase drug abuse.
• *
• $450 billion to lock those people up in federal prisons alone. Last year, half of all federal prisoners in the U.S. were serving sentences for drug offenses.
Former Drug Czar John Walters sounds personally insulted by the argument that the war on drugs has been a failure. "To say that all the things that have been done in the war on drugs haven't made any difference is ridiculous," Walters said."It destroys everything we've done. It's saying all the people involved in law enforecment, treatment and prevention have been wasting their time. It's saying all these people's work is misguided."
Yes, Mr. Walters, the tanks, bullets, prison bars and "reefer madness" have been misguided. Prohibition didn't work with alcohol in the '30s, it didn't work in our 40-year War on Drugs, and it never will.
It is time for an exit strategy from this failed War on Drugs. Let's make sure that it doesn't take another 40 years, millions more lives ruined, and billions of wasted tax dollars before we accept the obvious solution -- ending prohibition. It's up to us - as people who care about science, compassion, health, and human rights -- to make sure that the time comes as soon as possible.
Mexico's Drug War Hits Home
Posted 03/15/2010 07:17 PM ET

A Mexican policewoman carries an injured American baby who survived a machine-gun attack that killed the child's parents in Juarez on Saturday. The... View Enlarged Image
Drug War: The killings of a U.S. consular official and two others in Juarez Saturday are a reminder that Mexico's war is our war, too. If targeting Americans is next, then the U.S. must get tougher.
President Obama expressed outrage Sunday over the broad-daylight massacre in Juarez of a pregnant American U.S. consular employee and her husband, which left their 1-year-old baby wailing in the back of their car. Within 10 minutes, a second attack by machine-gun-toting thugs killed the husband of another U.S. consular employee and injured his two children, ages 4 and 7, traveling in a separate car. All were returning from the same child's birthday party.
Killings like this in the border city near El Paso are so numerous the State Department cautions against assuming it was a targeted hit — "although we are not discounting anything," said spokesman Charles Luoma-Overstreet.
The death toll in the Mexican drug war has hit 19,000 now, with Juarez the worst-hit. Over the weekend, 50 people were killed elsewhere in Mexico.
"It's part of the violence that's a huge problem in the area," said Luoma-Overstreet. "These hit close to home."
But these killings raise very ugly possibilities. Given the victims' ties to the American government, it's possible Americans are now being singled out. There's a scary logic here: The U.S. contributes $1.6 billion in equipment and training through the Merida Initiative to help Mexico fight cartels, and these barbarians want it pulled.
Last March, U.S. agents caught Sinaloa Cartel kingpin Shorty Guzman on his cell phone ordering his smugglers to "use weapons to defend their loads" against U.S. lawmen on the other side of the border. Attacks on U.S. lawmen were up 25% in 2009, a sign he was serious.
The fact that U.S. helicopters, training and intelligence have forced the Mexican drug cartels to shift routes, fight each other more viciously, and cut out middleman in their dealings with suppliers — the FARC terrorists of Colombia — suggest a reason for the consular killings.
Like wolves, traffickers grow less afraid with exposure.
If so, the U.S. must recondition them to a state of fear. That won't be accomplished by pulling consular personnel out, as was ordered over the weekend. The U.S. will have to start acting as if it's at war — just as the cartels do.
First, border security must stiffen. If Mexican traffickers are getting guns from the U.S., then where's the border fence? According to the latest report, the electronic fence won't be finished until 2017 due to environmental
Lou Dobbs Tonight
Tuesday, September 9, 2008

Since Mexican President Felipe Calderon started his crackdown on drug cartels and corrupt law enforcement two years ago, more than 4,000 people have been killed. The death toll among law
enforcement has topped 500. Kidnappings and violence are spreading across the border, and now the AP reports Mexican cartels have green-lighted hits against targets in the U.S. We’ll talk to Phoenix police about becoming the kidnapping capital of the nation and the rapid increase in other crimes linked to Mexico the city is coping with.
Lou Dobbs Tonight
And there are some 800,000 gang members in this country: That’s more than the combined number of troops in our Army and Marine Corps. These gangs have become one of the principle ways to import and distribute drugs in the United States. Congressman David Reichert joins Lou to tell us why those gangs are growing larger and stronger, and why he’s introduced legislation to eliminate the top three international drug gangs.
Lou Dobbs Tonight
Monday, September 28, 2009

And T.J. BONNER, president of the National Border Patrol Council, will weigh in on the federal government’s decision to pull nearly 400 agents from the U.S.-Mexican border. As always, Lou will take your calls to discuss the issues that matter most-and to get your thoughts on where America is headed.

Obama soft on illegals enforcement

Arrests of illegal immigrant workers have dropped precipitously under President Obama, according to figures released Wednesday. Criminal arrests, administrative arrests, indictments and convictions of illegal immigrants at work sites all fell by more than 50 percent from fiscal 2008 to fiscal 2009.

The figures show that Mr. Obama has made good on his pledge to shift enforcement away from going after illegal immigrant workers themselves - but at the expense of Americans' jobs, said Rep. Lamar Smith of Texas, the Republican who compiled the numbers from the Department of Homeland Security's U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency (ICE). Mr. Smith, the top Republican on the House Judiciary Committee, said a period of economic turmoil is the wrong time to be cutting enforcement and letting illegal immigrants take jobs that Americans otherwise would hold.

That's why, throughout 2009 FAIR has been tracking every move the administration and Congress has made to undermine our immigration laws, reward illegal aliens and burden taxpayers.
• Foot-dragging on proven methods of immigration law enforcement including border structures and E-Verify.
• Appointment of several illegal alien advocates to important administration posts.
• Watering down of the 287(g) program to limit local law in their own jurisdictions.
• Health care reform that mandates a “public option” for newly-arrived legal immigrants as well as illegal aliens.



“Walsh stated. Walsh said his analysis indicating there are 38 million illegal aliens in the U.S. was calculated using the conservative estimate of three illegal immigrants entering the U.S. for each one apprehended.”

Illegal alien population may be as high as 38 million

Study: Illegal alien population may be as high as 38 million A new report finds the Homeland Security Department "grossly underestimates" the number of illegal aliens living in the U.S. Homeland Security's Office of Immigration Studies released a report August 31 that estimates the number of illegal aliens residing in the U.S. is between 8 and 12 million. But the group Californians for Population Stabilization, or CAPS, has unveiled a report estimating the illegal population is actually between 20 and 38 million. Four experts, all of whom contributed to the study prepared by CAPS, discussed their findings at a news conference at the National Press Club in Washington Wednesday. James Walsh, a former associate general counsel of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, said he is "appalled" that the Bush administration, lawyers on the Senate Judiciary Committee, and every Democratic presidential candidate, with the exception of Joe Biden, have no problem with sanctuary cities for illegal aliens. "Ladies and gentlemen, the sanctuary cities and the people that support them are violating the laws of the United States of America. They're violating 8 USC section 1324 and 1325, which is a felony -- [it's] a felony to aid, support, transport, shield, harbor illegal aliens," Walsh stated. Walsh said his analysis indicating there are 38 million illegal aliens in the U.S. was calculated using the conservative estimate of three illegal immigrants entering the U.S. for each one apprehended. According to Walsh, "In the United States, immigration is in a state of anarchy -- not chaos, but anarchy."
PELOSI and CORRUPTION ..AMNESTY 20 million illegal (say NO pelosi 202-225-4965)
Pelosi Launches Amnesty Campaign

A week after ordering Catholic Church leaders to push immigration reform from the pulpit, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi promises to go full throttle with legislation that will extend amnesty to the estimated 12 million illegal aliens in the United States.

Congress will continue to work for a fairer, more compassionate, more just immigration system, Madame Speaker assured a Capitol Hill audience at the Asian-American and Pacific Islanders Summit this week. It will include a path to legalization and will honor family unification, Pelosi added.

The San Francisco Democrat also committed to creating “greater diversity” in the workplace and revealed a new Capitol Hill initiative to “increase House diversity and opportunities” for minority candidates at all staff levels. She then affirmed that “the beauty is in the mix,” evidently referring to mingling a variety of ethnicities.

Last week, in her ongoing push to legalize the illegal, Pelosi urged Catholic leaders to “instruct” parishioners to advocate for immigration reform. Clerics should “play a very major role” in supporting the Democrats’ amnesty plans, the Speaker said at a Catholic Community conference on Capitol Hill.

Some of the people who oppose amnesty for illegal aliens are sitting in those pews, Madame Speaker told church leaders, and they must be told that immigration reform is a “manifestation of our living Gospels.” She also claimed that immigration is included in the Bible’s teachings on the dignity and worth of every person.

Though it’s unusual for a legislator to openly encourage clergy to push a specific policy, the source of this fierce campaign is hardly surprising. Pelosi has long advocated for illegal immigrants and represents in Congress a sanctuary city (San Francisco) that proudly offers them public benefits and official government identifications.

Pelosi also opposes taking measures to secure the increasingly violent Mexican border. In 2006, she voted against legislation (Secure Fence Act) to fund construction of a 700-mile, reinforced fence along a dangerously porous stretch of the southern border. She has also long advocated for amnesty for illegal immigrants, claiming that temporary worker programs don’t work.

SAY NO TO PELOSI .................

(202) 225-4965
E-Mail: Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi
Web Form Contact: Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi

AZ keep your illegals, go broke like CA has............

The math works out. New testimony in Minnesota shows illegal immigration is costing that State millions and Minnesota fears they are in a race to the bottom with Georgia and FLorida. The State of Minnesota has noted that California is now leading the US in density of poverty and related crime caused by massive illegal immigration and its costs.
Testifying before Congress, Dr. Steven Camarota states that, “Immigration policy has been captured by special interests who peddle the notion that immigration is an unmitigated benefit to the nation and that it is costless. Only with respect to the formulation of immigration policy is such nonsense tolerated as conventional wisdom.”2

This section discusses several of the income concerns raised in the Minnesota study and includes several overlooked matters. Depressed wages and reduced employment are significant concerns —especially of disadvantaged Americans. Dumbing down of schools will be discussed next, following the discussion of the costs, and frightening implications of immigrant spread diseases. Increasing energy use, its higher local price, and availability in a world with diminishing energy resources is a seldom mentioned but serious problem associated with immigration (applies to all U.S. and Minnesota population growth). Finally, environmental deterioration of all kinds is well understood but not mentioned in the state study; scant attention is paid unless in crisis.

Despite an unparalleled economic boom, the nation's poverty rate and the number of people in poverty have remained high. The mainstream media have deemed this topic taboo, the overwhelming role of legal and illegal immigration as the overarching reason for U.S. or Minnesota poverty. California is an excellent illustration.

Research by the Center for Immigration Studies concludes, “immigration accounts for the vast majority of the growth in poverty over the last 20 years.” In other words, Mexico is exporting poverty to the US and amplifying the problems in the job-economic sector for Americans in the lower economic rungs.

Minnesota’s illegal immigrant population is increasing. According to recent estimates, there are 80,000 to 85,000 illegal immigrants in Minnesota.1 The number of illegal immigrants skyrocketed throughout the 1990s and continues to increase.2 Minnesota’s illegal immigrant population is greater than at least 20 other states.3

This population poses a substantial challenge to Minnesota. The illegal immigration challenge includes: (1) a financial strain on state resources, and (2) societal impacts, such as crime and economic loss.

In Minnesota, illegal immigration has the greatest cost impact on the K-12 education system, where over 17,000 children of illegal immigrants are educated. In addition, despite the Minnesota legislature’s reforms in 2003 that significantly limited the benefits for illegal immigrants, they continue to utilize publicly-provided social services. Another fiscal consideration is the costs associated with crimes illegal immigrants commit. The costs resulting from apprehension, prosecution and incarceration are considerable. In addition, there are other costs to society associated with these criminal acts.

Read the full report here.