Sunday, January 8, 2012

OUTSOURCING - TIME TO END THE JOBS HEMORRHAGE? OBAMA'S NEWEST CON JOB


ONCE AGAIN, ANOTHER OBAMA CON-JOB!

NO PRESIDENT IN HISTORY HAS TAKEN MORE LOOT FROM WALL ST THAN OBAMA!

WHEN OBAMA IS NOT SERVICING HIS BANKSTER DONORS, HE’S SERVICING HIS LA RAZA PARTY BASE BY PROMISING THEM AMNESTY, or at least continued NON-ENFORCEMENT – CATCH & RELEASE, and our jobs!

THERE IS A REASON WHY OBAMA’S SEC. OF illegal LABOR IS A LA RAZA SUPREMACIST, HILDA SOLIS!



Obama's sudden interest in ending outsourcing coincides perfectly with his re-election strategy. He needs union backing and ending outsourcing will be popular with union members. He also needs to demonstrate a more aggressive resolve to lowering unemployment. By focusing on outsourcing as a problem, Obama will place more of the blame for high unemployment on big business.

Obama Calls for End to Outsourcing -- Finally

By Dan McGinnis

COMMENTARY | President Barack Obama told American employers that it's time to bring jobs back to this country to spur new job creation and reduce unemployment. It's a long overdue message that the White House has finally decided to make a centerpiece in national dialogue during an election year. And, while it's a good idea, it also fits really well into the president's re-election strategy.

Associated Press reported that Obama used his Saturday radio address to encourage American employers to return jobs that have been previously outsourced to other countries. This has long been a problem that many unemployed people like to point to as a reason for the lack of good jobs in this country. It's good the president wants to take an action and voiceful stand against the practice.

To further show his resolve, Obama will host an "Insourcing American Jobs" workshop at the White House this week to hear ideas from major businesses on returning outsourced jobs. Reuters reported the representatives from Master Lock, Lincolnton Furniture, software developer GalaxE Solutions and chemicals company DuPont would participate.

Obama's sudden interest in ending outsourcing coincides perfectly with his re-election strategy. He needs union backing and ending outsourcing will be popular with union members. He also needs to demonstrate a more aggressive resolve to lowering unemployment. By focusing on outsourcing as a problem, Obama will place more of the blame for high unemployment on big business.

Another benefit he will reap comes from workers of both parties. Outsourcing is very unpopular with those who have trouble finding a job, and is often blamed for serious job loss in this country. Any initiative by the president to reduce or end outsourcing is surely going to find support among voters in both parties - especially if he can find an immediate success story after the Wednesday huddle at the White House.

It's not often that I find an instance to praise something Obama has done with the economy, but this is definitely one of them. Good job Mr. President!

*
REALITY ON THE LA RAZA-OWNED BANKSTERS' PRESIDENT: He Knows Who He REALLY Works For!
Lou Dobbs Tonight
Thursday, July 9, 2009

And Harvard economics professor JEFFREY MIRON will weigh in on the state of the U.S. economy—and why the only plausible argument for bailing out banks crumbles on close examination.

*

"There is a populist and conservative revolt against Wall Street and financial elites, Congress and government," Democratic pollster Stanley Greenberg warned in an analysis this week. "Democrats and President Obama are seen as more interested in bailing out Wall Street than helping Main Street."
*

OBAMA’S CON JOB ON REGULATION WILL NOT IMPACT HIS LARGEST BANKSTER DONORS! WHO’D OF THOUGHT???

“Obama's rhetoric covered the whole financial industry, but the key changes will affect only a few high-profile players, including JPMorgan Chase & Co., while sparing investment banks like Goldman Sachs Group Inc.”

*

WHAT DID THE BANKSTERS KNOW ABOUT OUR ACTOR OBAMA THAT WE DIDN’T KNOW?

Records show that four out of Obama's top five contributors are employees of financial industry giants - Goldman Sachs ($571,330), UBS AG ($364,806), JPMorgan Chase ($362,207) and Citigroup ($358,054).

*



BEHEADINGS - Mexicans Behead More than MUSLIM TERRORIST - AND THEY'RE DOING IT ON OUR OPEN & UNDEFENDED BORDERS


Five severed heads found in northern Mexican city

MEXICO CITY (Reuters) - Mexican police in the northern city of Torreon found the severed heads of five people killed in a suspected outbreak of drug gang violence.

Officials were still searching for the bodies. The heads were found in black bags in various parts of the city late on Friday, a spokesman for the ministry of public security in the state of Coahuila said on Saturday.

Threatening messages were left with the severed heads - a common feature of killings by drug cartels in Mexico - that suggested the slayings were the result of feuding between local gangs, the spokesman said.

More than 46,000 people have died in drug-related violence since President Felipe Calderon launched an army-led crackdown on the cartels after taking office five years ago.

The bodies of two other people in Torreon, an industrial city of around 650,000, were also found, the spokesman said.

Racked by gang violence, Torreon is on the border of Durango, a state long dominated by the Sinaloa cartel of Joaquin "Shorty" Guzman, Mexico's most wanted man.

Lately Guzman's turf has been under attack by the rival Zetas drug gang that is stronger in the northeast.

The government has put increasing pressure on Guzman's cartel in recent weeks with a series of raids, seizures and multiple arrests.

RICHARD HILARY GIBSON, RACIST California Lawyer That Controls CRAIGSLIST Politics Forum... DELETED THIS POST

GIBSON'S LONG HISTORY OF CRIMINAL STALKING, HARASSMENT & FLAGGING ON CL:


RICHARD HILARY GIBSON IS THE INTERNET ADDICT THAT CONTROLS ALL OF CRAIGSLIST POLITICS FORUMS AND RANTS FORUMS AROUND THE NATION.

ON JAN 8, 2012, BEFORE 9:AM, GIBSON OVERRODE FLAGGING AND DELETED THREE (3) POSTS ON ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION FROM CL LOS ANGELES POLITICS FORUM. FIVE YEARS AGO, THERE WOULD HAVE BEEN 200 POSTS DAILY ON THIS AND MANY OTHER CL POLITICS FORUMS. NOW THERE ARE ONLY ABOUT EIGHT, AND ALL ARE GIBSON'S.

LIKE EVERY DAY, SEVEN DAYS A WEEK, GIBSON WILL FLAG HARASSES, STALKS AND THREATENS PEOPLE WHO ATTEMPT TO POST ON CL.

CL IS FULLY AWARE OF GIBSON'S CRIMINAL STALKING. THEY ONLY HOPE HE DOES NOT MARKET HIS FLAGGING OVERRIDE, WHICH WOULD SUBSTANTIALLY DESTROY ALL CL REVENUE SOURCES.

GIBSON IS LISTED ON THE CA STATE BAR WEBSITE.
POST DELETED BY RICHARD HILARY GIBSON, Esq.


los angeles craigslist > westside-southbay > community > politics

LA RAZA - Villaraigosa's MEX FASCIST PARTY base (fastest growing political power in U.S.)


Date: 2012-01-08, 7:19AM PST
Reply to: your anonymous craigslist address will appear here



FIVE THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW ABOUT LA RAZA "THE RACE"

by Michelle Malkin

Only in America could critics of a group called "The Race" be labeled
racists. Such is the triumph of left-wing identity chauvinists, whose
aggressive activists and supine abettors have succeeded in redefining all
opposition as "hate."
Both Barack Obama and John McCain will speak this week in San Diego at the
annual conference of the National Council of La Raza, the Latino organization
whose name is Spanish for, yes, "The Race." Can you imagine Obama and
McCain paying homage to a group of white people who called themselves that? No
matter. The presidential candidates and the media have legitimized "The
Race" as a mainstream ethnic lobbying group and marginalized its critics
as intolerant bigots. The unvarnished truth is that the group is a radical
ethnic nationalist outfit that abuses your tax dollars and milks PC politics to
undermine our sovereignty.
*
Here are 15 things you should know about "The Race":
*
15. "The Race" supports driver's licenses for illegal aliens.
*
14."The Race" demands in-state tuition discounts for illegal alien
students that are not available to law-abiding U.S. citizens and law-abiding
legal immigrants.
*
13. "The Race" vehemently opposes cooperative immigration enforcement
efforts between local, state and federal authorities.
*
12. "The Race" opposes a secure fence on the southern border.
*
11. "The Race" joined the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee
in a failed lawsuit attempt to prevent the feds from entering immigration
information into a key national crime database -- and to prevent local police
officers from accessing the data.
*
10. "The Race" opposed the state of Oklahoma's tough
immigration-enforcement-first laws, which cut off welfare to illegal aliens,
put teeth in employer sanctions and strengthened local-federal cooperation and
information sharing.
*
9. "The Race" joined other open-borders, anti-assimilationists and
sued to prevent Proposition 227, California's bilingual education reform ballot
initiative, from becoming law.
*
8. "The Race" bitterly protested common-sense voter ID provisions as
an "absolute disgrace."
*
7. "The Race" has consistently opposed post-9/11 national security
measures at every turn.
*
6. Former "Race" president Raul Yzaguirre, Hillary Clinton's Hispanic
outreach adviser, said this: "U.S. English is to Hispanics as the Ku Klux
Klan is to blacks." He was referring to U.S. English, the nation's oldest,
largest citizens' action group dedicated to preserving the unifying role of the
English language in the United States. "The Race" also pioneered
Orwellian open-borders Newspeak and advised the Mexican government on how to
lobby for illegal alien amnesty while avoiding the terms "illegal"
and "amnesty."
*
5. "The Race" gives mainstream cover to a poisonous subset of
ideological satellites, led by Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan, or
Chicano Student Movement of Aztlan (MEChA). The late GOP Rep. Charlie Norwood
rightly characterized the organization as "a radical racist group . . . one of
the most anti-American groups in the country, which has permeated U.S. campuses
since the 1960s, and continues its push to carve a racist nation out of the
American West."
*
4. "The Race" is currently leading a smear campaign against staunch
immigration enforcement leaders and has called for TV and cable news networks
to keep immigration enforcement proponents off the airwaves -- in addition to
pushing for Fairness Doctrine policies to shut up their foes. The New York
Times reported that current "Race" president Janet Murguia believes
"hate speech" should "not be tolerated, even if such censorship
were a violation of First Amendment rights."
*
3. "The Race" sponsors militant ethnic nationalist charter schools
subsidized by your public tax dollars (at least $8 million in federal education
grants). The schools include Aztlan Academy in Tucson, Ariz., the Mexicayotl
Academy in Nogales, Ariz., Academia Cesar Chavez Charter School in St. Paul,
Minn., and La Academia Semillas del Pueblo in Los Angeles, whose principal
inveighed: "We don't want to drink from a White water fountain, we have
our own wells and our natural reservoirs and our way of collecting rain in our
aqueducts. We don't need a White water fountain . . . ultimately the White way, the
American way, the neo liberal, capitalist way of life will eventually lead to
our own destruction."
*
2. "The Race" has perfected the art of the PC shakedown at taxpayer
expense, pushing relentlessly to lower home loan standards for Hispanic
borrowers, reaping millions in federal "mortgage counseling" grants,
seeking special multimillion-dollar earmarks and partnering with banks that do
business with illegal aliens.
*
1. "The Race" thrives on ethnic supremacy -- and the elite sheeple's
unwillingness to call it what it is. As historian Victor Davis Hanson observes:
"[The] organization's very nomenclature 'The National Council of La Raza'
is hate speech to the core. Despite all the contortions of the group, Raza (as
its Latin cognate suggests) reflects the meaning of 'race' in Spanish, not 'the
people' -- and that's precisely why we don't hear of something like 'The National
Council of the People,' which would not confer the buzz notion of ethnic,
racial and tribal chauvinism."
*
The fringe is the center. The center is the fringe. Viva La Raza.

CUDAHY - THE LA RAZA INFESTED CALIFORNIA CITY IN MELTDOWN MEXIFORNIA - What Happens When LA RAZA Occupies!

MEXICAN GANG INFESTED MEXIFORNIA:

CA IS A SANCTUARY STATE. NOT ONE VOTER VOTED TO SURRENDER TO LA RAZA “THE RACE” OR TO EXPAND THE STATE’S MEXICAN WELFARE SYSTEM, OR TO HAND JOBS TO ILLEGALS… BUT THE LA RAZA DEMS DON’T REALLY CARE WHAT LEGALS THINK. THEY’RE TOO BUSY HISPANDERING AND WORKING TO KEEP WAGES DEPRESSED WITH ENDLESS HORDES OF ILLEGALS!

*

"A rough-and-tumble world of small-city politics has come to define the drug- and gang-infested cities clustered around the 710 freeway: Bell Gardens, Cudahy, Huntington Park, Lynwood, Maywood and South Gate, among others.
*

CALIFORNIA IS A STATE IN MELTDOWN DUE TO THE CORRUPTION OF THE LA RAZA DEMS, FEINSTEIN, BOXER, PELOSI, LOFGREN, WAXMAN….ALL ADVOCATES FOR AMNESTY, or at least continued non-enforcement until there are enough illegals voting for dems, amnesty will be a de facto fact, OPEN BORDERS, NO E-VERIFY which is now a law in Mexifornia!


HERE ARE A FEW FACTS ON THE MEX OCCUPATION OF A FORMER AMERICAN STATE:

1. CA PUTS OUT $20 BILLION PER YEAR IN WELFARE TO ILLEGALS AGAINST DEFICITS OF $28 BILLION.

*

2. CA ATTORNEY GENERAL KAMALA HARRIS HAS DECLARED THAT NEARLY HALF OF ALL MURDERS IN CA ARE BY MEXICAN GANGS!

*

3. CA HAS THE MOST EXPENSIVE PRISON SYSTEM IN THE NATION, AND HALF THE INMATES ARE MEXICANS.

 *

4. WELFARE FOR ILLEGALS IN LOS ANGELES COUNTY ALONE EXCEEDS $600 MILLION PER YEAR.

*

5. THERE ARE ONLY EIGHT STATES WITH A POPULATION GREATER THAN LOS ANGELES COUNTY WERE HALF THOSE WITH A JOB ARE ILLEGALS USING STOLEN SOCIAL SECURITY NUMBERS. THE DEMS RESPONSE WAS TO MAKE IT ILLEGAL FOR EMPLOYERS TO USE E-VERIFY!

 *

6. ILLEGALS COST HOSPITALS $1.2 BILLION PER YEAR FOR “FREE” MEDICAL!

 *

7. ONE IN FIVE BIRTHS IN LOS ANGELES COUNTY ARE BY PREGNANT MEXICANS THAT HOPPED OUR BORDERS FOR LA RAZA WELFARE AND “FREE” ANCHOR BABY BIRTHING. HER CHILD WILL ALSO BE A CITIZEN OF MEXICO.


*

8. THE TAX FREE MEXICAN UNDERGROUND ECONOMY IN LOS ANGELES COUNTY ALONE IS CALCULATED TO BE OVER $2 BILLION PER YEAR.


*

9. CA NOW SENDS FOUR LA RAZA SUPREMACIST TO CONGRESS. THESE ARE RACIST REPS. XAVIER BECERRA, JOE BACA, SISTERS LINDA & LORETTA SANCHEZ (OBAMA’S SEC. OF ILLEGAL LABOR LA RAZA SUPREMACIST HILDA SOLIS WAS A FORMER CA CONGRESSWOMAN). ALL OF THESE LA RAZA SUPREMACIST WERE VOTED INTO OFFICE BY ILLEGALS!

*

10.THE CITY OF LOS ANGELES, UNDER LA RAZA VILLARAIGOSA, PUTS OUT $10 MILLION PER YEAR FOR MEXICAN GRAFFITI ABATEMENT!

*


CALIFORNIA HAS MORE SANCTUARY CITIES THAN ANY STATE IN THE COUNTRY. LA RAZA HAS DECLARED MEXIFORNIA OCCUPIED!


HERE’S WHAT IT LOOKS LIKE FOR ONE MEX INFESTED CITY OF CUDAHY:


 “Crime statistics for the Potrero Club show 700 calls for police assistance there since September 2003, in response to reports of shootings, assaults, stabbings, beatings by security guards, drug use — even rape.”

*

 “For the race everything! For others nothing!”… LA RAZA “THE RACE”

 Mexico right here in America


Illegals' low expectations for the rule of law is turning Southern California into Mexico.

SEE:
http://www.laweekly.com/general/features/the-town-the-law-forgot/15731/?page=2

EXERPT:

"A rough-and-tumble world of small-city politics has come to define the drug- and gang-infested cities clustered around the 710 freeway: Bell Gardens, Cudahy, Huntington Park, Lynwood, Maywood and South Gate, among others.

In recent decades, the demographic shift from white working class to Mexicans and Central Americans resulted in immigrants and their sons and daughters gaining political power. Now, most elected officials reflect the majority Latino population. But high unemployment, illegal immigration and a maze of freeways, truck stops and industrial areas — just a half-day’s drive from Mexico — have contributed to the busy drug-trafficking zones, blight and violence.

Residents, many of them illegal or too young to vote, have it rough. After complaining to authorities or taking too much notice of suspicious activity on their block, some low-income residents have been repaid with retaliation or violent threats. In Cudahy, one persistent complainer got a door-knock from the police — a public no-no that alerts drug dealers to the complainer’s identity and can result in that person’s property being vandalized.

“It gets a lot worse than that,” says a local cop, acknowledging that criminal threats are so common that police are hard-pressed to investigate them.

In contrast to the vulnerability of the average Cudahy resident, business owners who operate questionable businesses get velvet-glove treatment from politicians that would be considered scandalous in the city of Los Angeles. In Cudahy, the Potrero Club is one of several magnets for crime and is frequented by gangsters, but it is nevertheless embraced by Cudahy authorities. A notorious nightspot that parents warn their children to stay away from, the Potrero Club has a long record of being the scene of thefts, assaults and drug activity.

Officials in Cudahy openly promote this crime magnet, however, holding fund-raisers for the Cudahy Youth Foundation there and even using it as an annual gathering spot for a children’s Christmas pageant. Cudahy has sunk so low that each year at Christmastime, Perez and the city council parade around town on the back of a tow truck and toss candy to the children, with the procession ending in a toy giveaway at the Potrero Club, whose owners in the past have displayed photos not of Hollywood movie stars but of famous Mexican drug traffickers.

Crime statistics for the Potrero Club show 700 calls for police assistance there since September 2003, in response to reports of shootings, assaults, stabbings, beatings by security guards, drug use — even rape.

City leaders don’t find it strange that a dangerous nightclub passes for a civic pillar in Cudahy. Cars disappear from the Potrero at an alarming rate, according to police reports obtained by the Weekly. When asked about Cudahy’s use of the Potrero for official events, Perez says, 'It’s not my favorite place, but we’ll continue to use it.'"


*

IN THE LOS ANGLES BURBS, THE CITY CUDAHY UNDER MEXICAN OCCUPATION



“Cudahy is a strange little city; some say a scary one. In 2003, city leaders fired the L.A. County Sheriff’s Department — which had policed Cudahy for 14 years, focusing on gang and drug crime — in favor of a nearby municipal police force that recently erupted over public allegations of police brutality and kickbacks to police and city officials from a towing company.

In Cudahy, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency has seized almost 20 times more cocaine over the past five years than in Bell, a bordering city of similar size, and the city suffers more crime per capita than small towns nearby. It’s a city with 200 active gang members, where shootings are common though homicide rare — that is, until 11 killings occurred in the wake of the sheriff’s departure in 2003.”



LOS ANGELES MAYOR ANTONIO VILLARAIGOSA IS A MEMBER OF THE MEXICAN FASCIST PARTY OF LA RAZA AND THE FASCIST SEPARATIST MOVEMENT OF M.E.Ch.A.



The Town the Law Forgot

An L.A. ’burb is mired in gangs, cartels and south-of-the-border-style politics

Jeffrey Anderson

published: February 22, 2007

The first sign of trouble for Cudahy City Council candidate Tony Mendoza was a pair of thong panties mailed to his wife, with a note telling her to watch her husband’s back. Then came the phone calls — and the death threats.

A political novice in a tiny city of Mexican immigrants that hasn’t had an election since 1999, Mendoza had expected dirty tricks. But to his dismay, the caller, who spoke poor English and called every day for three days, said Mendoza would be killed if he did not leave Cudahy, a 1.2-square-mile city 10 miles southeast of downtown Los Angeles. After the third call, Mendoza pulled out of the March 6 race. “I have my family to think about,” he said.

Running for council seats against a slate of incumbents in a city infested with gangs and drugs, Danny Cota and Luis Garcia faced similar tactics. A truck owned by Garcia, a former city employee, was painted with graffiti, and ex-felon and Cudahy city employee Gerardo Vallejo sought a restraining order against Garcia for criminal threats. A judge tossed the complaint, but Garcia’s campaign was rattled.

In late December, at a holiday gathering at the City Club in downtown Los Angeles hosted by Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, Cota ran into Bell Gardens City Councilman Mario Beltran, who was perplexed to see Cota, a 29-year-old teacher, hobnobbing and being photographed with Villaraigosa and others.

“Who brought him here?” Councilman Beltran asked onlookers, some of whom are friends of Cudahy’s Vice Mayor, Osvaldo Conde, who is running for re-election. “You better watch out,” Beltran warned Cota, the bright-eyed challenger. “Conde will take care of you with his cuerno de chivo.”

Though Beltran was smiling as he tossed off some Mexican slang for an AK-47, Cota says he did not appreciate such talk. A witness, Maywood Mayor Sergio Calderon, a friend of Cota’s, says, “It was a joke, a tasteless joke.”

Cudahy is a strange little city; some say a scary one. In 2003, city leaders fired the L.A. County Sheriff’s Department — which had policed Cudahy for 14 years, focusing on gang and drug crime — in favor of a nearby municipal police force that recently erupted over public allegations of police brutality and kickbacks to police and city officials from a towing company.

In Cudahy, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency has seized almost 20 times more cocaine over the past five years than in Bell, a bordering city of similar size, and the city suffers more crime per capita than small towns nearby. It’s a city with 200 active gang members, where shootings are common though homicide rare — that is, until 11 killings occurred in the wake of the sheriff’s departure in 2003.

*

Cudahy leaders seem satisfied. Consider the tone-deaf reaction of Cudahy City Manager George Perez in early February, after the news broke on KNBC Channel 4 and in La OpiniĆ³n, a Spanish-language daily, that the city of Maywood, currently under a $2-million-a-year contract to police Cudahy, was facing a state takeover because the police department — the Maywood-Cudahy Police Department — is so out of control.

“Police problems in Maywood have nothing to do with us,” said Perez. “Our city council is happy, and our citizens are too.”

Cudahy resembles a Mexican border town more than it does a Los Angeles suburb. Entrenched gangs and Mexican drug trafficking have trapped working-class legal and illegal immigrants in a cycle of violence and fear, in a city where less than a quarter of the 28,000 residents are eligible to vote. An uneducated city council, a deeply troubled police force imported from Maywood two towns over, and the raw power of the 18th Street Gang — a complex criminal organization with a knack for setting up business fronts and obscuring underground drug activity — make Cudahy residents seem like hostages in their own city.

By most accounts, Cudahy City Council members — two retired union managers, an insurance salesman, a waitress and a grocer — do not run the city as they were elected to do. Rather, they defer to City Manager Perez, a former janitor who is known to favor revenue traps such as DUI and driver’s license checkpoints over aggressive tactics that make gangs and drug dealers less comfortable.

In 2001, the Los Angeles District Attorney’s Office convened a grand jury to investigate whether Perez violated criminal conflict-of-interest laws. The probe stemmed from his actions as a city councilman, when, after voting for an ordinance that lifted a one-year waiting period between holding political office and appointed office, Perez stepped down from the council and was promptly appointed city manager, the city’s highest-paying job. According to prosecutors’ memos and letters obtained by the L.A. Weekly, the D.A.’s office was forced to drop the investigation after concluding that it “could not prove a criminal violation” of state laws “beyond a reasonable doubt.”

Known as a ruthless political boss, Perez is not running for city council in the upcoming March 6 election, but he is deserving of scrutiny. After all, he calls the shots in Cudahy.

Perez shrugs at allegations of foul play on the campaign trail, or any possibility that his minions could be involved. “I’ve talked with Mendoza,” he says of death threats that knocked the would-be candidate out of the running. “He apologized for talking bad about me.”

Since his revolving-door ascent from the council to city manager in 2000, Perez’s salary has risen by $30,000 — more than most residents make in a year — to $120,000. Meanwhile, the city’s problems remain dire: poverty, density, gangs and drugs. One-third of residents are under 14 — a vulnerable population. Out in front of Cudahy City Hall one November day, 16-year-old Erica summed up Cudahy this way: “It’s small, so everything is close by. But it’s ugly, and there are shootings.”

Victor, a 16-year-old honor student who plays varsity football, runs track and holds down a part-time job, says, “Some streets are too ghetto. There’s lots of violence. My mother has been going to community meetings to ask about this, but it always seems to stay the same.” Victor liked it better where his family used to live: Compton, one of L.A.’s notorious trouble spots. “There should be more police here in Cudahy. Kids don’t play outside. People don’t feel safe.”

With its narrow, deep lots — the result of an agricultural past that is long gone — its glut of rundown apartment buildings and its lack of economic growth, Cudahy offers a good example of how Mexican drug cartels, the prison-based Mexican mafia and gangs like 18th Street are attracted to the Los Angeles–adjacent industrial sprawl populated by poor immigrants.

Do these criminal elements influence Cudahy’s leaders, with city officials answering to someone other than the public or the rule of law, in a town policed by another town’s troubled police force? The answer is unknown.

Neither the DEA nor the FBI has ever established a connection between city officials and business fronts in the United States’ $65 billion illegal-drug market. Beyond the street crime, behind the scenes, groups finance border tunnels and run other drug-trafficking gateways that have helped make Southern California the highest-intensity drug-distribution center in the United States.

Who is actually responding to that? Local cities’ law enforcers have their hands full with violent street crime. Local gang- and drug-task-force police officers who talked to the Weekly on condition of anonymity say they are busy with three criminal groups: traffickers, who are not always involved in gangs; the Mexican mafia, which can be involved in either gangs or drug cartels; and gangs such as 18th Street, which specialize in drug transportation, distribution, money laundering and muscle.

Some cops say they lack confidence in the feds to clean house at the civic level, where drug traffickers rely on distribution fronts, money-laundering businesses and tainted law enforcement. “You hear about all kinds of scandalous shit,” says a local veteran detective. “But federal agents don’t have the street knowledge to figure out what’s going on. They rely on us.”

DEA agent Sarah Pullen says drug trafficking “has crept into society” via cash businesses, real estate deals and otherwise legitimate civic leaders with interests in both. “Southeast L.A. County has always been heavily involved in all levels of drug trafficking,” says Pullen, who pursued Cudahy-based targets in six of 12 cases in the past few years.

When asked by the L.A. Weekly why Cudahy has shown up so frequently in eye-popping drug busts from the 1980s to the present — sometimes with as much as 500 pounds of cocaine seized at a time — Pullen says her agency doesn’t track drug seizures by city. It tracks drug organizations, which aren’t confined by borders.

But after doing some research, Pullen was able to determine that from 2002 to 2007, the DEA seized 27.5 pounds of cocaine from the city of Bell, Cudahy’s neighbor directly to the north. In comparison, during that same time period, the agency seized 486 pounds of cocaine in Cudahy — more than 17 times the amount seized in Bell.

Mostly, Pullen says, gangs and traffickers go where they feel most comfortable. She cautions, “Once it gets past drugs and money, we turn it over to the FBI. We don’t have the tools to connect all the dots.” For its part, the FBI will not confirm public-corruption probes, much less whether any such probes involve drug trafficking or money laundering. When asked, FBI agent Laura Eimiller snaps, “I can’t talk about that. It could compromise ongoing investigations.”

A rough-and-tumble world of small-city politics has come to define the drug- and gang-infested cities clustered around the 710 freeway: Bell Gardens, Cudahy, Huntington Park, Lynwood, Maywood and South Gate, among others.

In recent decades, the demographic shift from white working class to Mexicans and Central Americans resulted in immigrants and their sons and daughters gaining political power. Now, most elected officials reflect the majority Latino population. But high unemployment, illegal immigration and a maze of freeways, truck stops and industrial areas — just a half-day’s drive from Mexico — have contributed to the busy drug-trafficking zones, blight and violence.

Residents, many of them illegal or too young to vote, have it rough. After complaining to authorities or taking too much notice of suspicious activity on their block, some low-income residents have been repaid with retaliation or violent threats. In Cudahy, one persistent complainer got a door-knock from the police — a public no-no that alerts drug dealers to the complainer’s identity and can result in that person’s property being vandalized.

“It gets a lot worse than that,” says a local cop, acknowledging that criminal threats are so common that police are hard-pressed to investigate them.

In contrast to the vulnerability of the average Cudahy resident, business owners who operate questionable businesses get velvet-glove treatment from politicians that would be considered scandalous in the city of Los Angeles. In Cudahy, the Potrero Club is one of several magnets for crime and is frequented by gangsters, but it is nevertheless embraced by Cudahy authorities. A notorious nightspot that parents warn their children to stay away from, the Potrero Club has a long record of being the scene of thefts, assaults and drug activity.

Officials in Cudahy openly promote this crime magnet, however, holding fund-raisers for the Cudahy Youth Foundation there and even using it as an annual gathering spot for a children’s Christmas pageant. Cudahy has sunk so low that each year at Christmastime, Perez and the city council parade around town on the back of a tow truck and toss candy to the children, with the procession ending in a toy giveaway at the Potrero Club, whose owners in the past have displayed photos not of Hollywood movie stars but of famous Mexican drug traffickers.

Crime statistics for the Potrero Club show 700 calls for police assistance there since September 2003, in response to reports of shootings, assaults, stabbings, beatings by security guards, drug use — even rape.

City leaders don’t find it strange that a dangerous nightclub passes for a civic pillar in Cudahy. Cars disappear from the Potrero at an alarming rate, according to police reports obtained by the Weekly. When asked about Cudahy’s use of the Potrero for official events, Perez says, “It’s not my favorite place, but we’ll continue to use it.”

Even before recent threats against the upstart Cudahy City Council candidates, politics and violence bled together in the surrounding and equally troubled immigrant suburbs.

The widely publicized nonfatal shooting of a councilman in South Gate by an unknown assailant in 1999 ushered in a brutal era. Soon afterward, police investigated the mayor of neighboring Bell Gardens for allegedly trying to run over a former city councilman. Former South Gate Treasurer Albert Robles allegedly threatened to rape and murder his political opponents. No charges resulted from the alleged threats, but Robles was convicted of bribery and sent to prison. In January of this year, a city council candidate in Huntington Park reported to police that he received “terrorist threats” on the street from three men in dark suits who sped off in a luxury car.

Some Mexican-American politicians are apologists for the dark side in these troubled little cities, chalking up the chaos to lack of experience on the part of the Latino officials who took power as the demographics changed.

“Just like a mother never gives birth to a criminal, no politician ever gets elected with criminal intent,” says Rosario Marin, former U.S treasurer and former Huntington Park mayor, who was followed in her car and terrorized by unknown assailants as her city struggled with gang violence, drug trafficking and federal investigations.

“I have to believe that,” adds Marin, a prominent California Republican with close ties to Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, who appointed her as secretary of the State and Consumer Services Agency. “Yet it hurts me to see how people get corrupted.”

Confronted with an alarming pattern, District Attorney Steve Cooley distinguished himself from his predecessors by going after public corruption in L.A. County — with mixed results. Some say his convictions of officials in Compton and South Gate were low-lying fruit, and that Cudahy got away from him.

Ever-present in Cudahy and its neighboring cities are three attorneys who have, over the years, blended municipal law and lobbying to great effect. Arnoldo Beltran, Francisco Leal and David Olivas have made a small fortune representing scandal-plagued cities. Today, Olivas represents Cudahy and Leal represents Maywood, with the two cities sharing a police force that is in disarray.

Perhaps foremost among the many controversies in which these lawyers have been embroiled are allegations explored in a 1999 L.A. Times story that Beltran, a Stanford-educated lawyer, and Leal, a Harvard Law School graduate raised by immigrants in El Paso, were threatening to launch recall campaigns against elected officials in Lynwood, Commerce and Bell Gardens if they did not vote to retain the two men’s legal services.

Beltran and Leal, former partners in a now-defunct law firm that also included Olivas as an associate, at the time denied the allegations. Beltran would not comment for this article. Leal did not return several calls for comment. But they would be hard-pressed to deny that their political savvy has earned them a reputation for being influential advisers to many small cities.

In 1999, the firm split, with Leal and Olivas going off to form Leal, Olivas & Jauregui, which represented the city of Cudahy in 2000 when Perez made the revolving-door move, through a series of ordinances drafted by David Olivas, from city councilman to city manager. The resulting grand-jury investigation did not lead to criminal charges but left a lasting mark on the city.

Less than a year later, in Bell Gardens, Beltran drafted a slightly different ordinance with the exact same effect: to upgrade a city councilwoman, Maria Chacon, to city manager. The move had serious consequences. Investigators from the D.A.’s office searched Beltran’s offices in 2001 in connection with an investigation of Chacon, whom they later charged with criminal conflict of interest. Beltran hired celebrity defense lawyer Mark Geragos, though Beltran was not named as a target of the investigation, nor was he charged with a crime.

Chacon spent the next several years defending the charges on grounds that Beltran advised her it was okay to vote on the ordinance that allowed her to switch roles from council member to city manager. The state Supreme Court rejected that defense recently, clearing the way for Cooley’s office to take her to trial.

The methods of Beltran, Leal and Olivas left a mark on their former law partner Jesse Jauregui, who broke all ties with the group in 2001. Jauregui has this — and only this — to say about his old colleagues: “I’m glad to no longer be a part of Tammany Hall–style politics. How far it goes, I do not know. It became a seamy situation.”

The legal maneuvering that led to new leadership in Cudahy was part of a larger strategy, says former Cudahy councilwoman Araceli Gonzalez, a child of Mexican immigrants. “They were very outspoken,” says Gonzalez of the lawyers who advised Cudahy and Bell Gardens. “They were telling people they were going to take over these cities and put Latinos in power.”

Olivas, now in his own law practice while wearing two hats — as Cudahy city attorney and councilman in Baldwin Park — argues that the move to anoint Perez as Cudahy city manager was about Latino self-determination, and that change in leadership in small southeast L.A. County cities was for the better.

“People were tired of being governed by outsiders,” Olivas says. “This was people from Cudahy, of Cudahy and for Cudahy.”

But since that time of upheaval, certain actions by Cudahy officials have raised questions about whether they are acting in the public’s best interest as Maywood struggles to get the two cities’ shared police force under control.

Near downtown Cudahy, a thick haze hovers over the 710 freeway, with the Los Angeles skyline barely visible beyond an expanse of rail yards, storage containers, terminals and freight cars. Billboards for casinos and strip clubs and a tangle of power lines clutter the skies surrounding this bleak stretch of highway.

The cities around the 710 freeway — a gateway from the Port of Long Beach to the rest of the nation — are so small they share freeway exits. Graffiti is scrawled on overpasses, exit signs and the concrete banks of the L.A. River, informing visitors that they are about to enter gangland. The grimy strip malls, auto-body shops and fast-food joints further speak to a loss of prosperity.

Cudahy, the smallest, poorest and most violent of these cities, feels like a place the law has forgotten — a feeling that intensifies along Santa Ana Street, where a large “18” is spray-painted on a telephone-utility box at one end of the block, and another large “18” is tagged at the other end — on a government dumpster, no less, at Cudahy City Hall.

City Hall is a squat brick structure in a remote corner of the city bordered by the L.A. River and next to an often-empty park, a school and a weed-filled would-be basketball court with a sign that reads “Opening Fall 2006.”

Inside, City Manager George Perez sits behind his desk listening to Frankie Valli and the Four Seasons on his iPod. His walls are adorned with photos of him and his ’64 Chevy Impala, with a license plate that reads, “2 Cudahy.” Perez, stocky with helmetlike black hair, is equally feared and loved in Cudahy.

He likes to tell people he has the city “locked down.” In his mid-40s, he’s the consummate Mexican-American political boss — just don’t tell him that. Perez, a man who sports a T-shaped tattoo between his thumb and forefinger, argues: “This is so different from Mexican politics.” Perez refuses to discuss the tattoo, or say much about the other one, on his leg — of Cudahy’s official city seal. “I’m not from Mexico; I’m from here.”

Perez is bracing for the March election, although he is not a candidate. He knows that two novice candidates are out there, hearing from poor immigrants, renters and property owners about how they are afraid to walk the streets at night, how there is nowhere decent to shop, and how other cities mock Cudahy, calling it “Crudahy.”

“We’ve never had greater public service in this community,” Perez insists. “We’ve broken down barriers by hiring more bilingual staff. I have an open-door policy. My wife and I grew up here and understand the underprivileged families.”

Thirty years ago, Perez started as a janitor, “fishing turds out of the toilets,” he says with bitter pride. Perez now owns four parcels in Cudahy and recently purchased a $700,000 house in Hacienda Heights, in the San Gabriel Valley, where he lives part-time. In addition to his Impala, in mint condition, he tools around in a convertible BMW, a luxury made possible by his $120,000-a-year salary plus a $600-per-month stipend — an unusually large fee to act as a commissioner on the board of one of three water companies serving Cudahy.

How Perez got to where he is today is a controversial subject in Cudahy.

As they did in Bell Gardens, investigators swept down on Cudahy City Hall and Perez’s house in 2001, looking for evidence that he violated criminal conflict-of-interest laws when he backed the maneuvering that led to his switch from councilman to city manager on the same day.

According to sworn statements and memos from District Attorney Steve Cooley’s office obtained by the Weekly, Cudahy employees were pressured to use the same law firm that represented Perez in the investigation. (That firm, astonishingly, was headed by Cooley’s best friend, former District Attorney Robert Philibosian.) A clause in the document that city employees were pressured to sign stated in part: “An advantage of using a single law firm in a criminal matter may be to help assure a common position and increase the likelihood that none of the clients will cooperate with the prosecution.” Other city officials, later named as targets, also retained top-shelf attorneys on the city’s dime. The result was a stonewall defense that cost Cudahy taxpayers $1 million in legal fees.

The aftermath has not been as promised by the upbeat Perez. Some of his harshest critics — L.A. Sheriff’s deputies who worked in Cudahy — accuse him of seeking out a predatory tow-truck company to tow cars for minor violations and thus boost city coffers. Property owners accuse him of being quick to aggressively ticket them for small building violations, even as the city's main commercial corridor wallows in blight.

L.A. Sheriff’s Detective Raul Gama patrolled Cudahy in the mid-1990s, trying to eradicate gangs. He claims that Sheriff’s Department raids and sweeps, aimed at catching gang members with probation and parole violations and putting them back behind bars, were reducing gang-related crime by 35 percent.

Gama describes his interactions with then-councilman Perez as “a game of cat and mouse.” He says Perez preferred him to focus on vehicle checkpoints, which allowed the city to tow cars and charge impound fees when the city nabbed mostly illegal immigrants for not having driver’s licenses.

“I had a problem with preying on people,” Gama says. “It wasn’t the best use of our resources.”

Later, as city manager, Perez eliminated jobs, concentrating power in his office, according to internal city memos obtained by the Weekly. After disagreeing with a member of the Chamber of Commerce, he stopped the city’s longtime contributions to the chamber, causing the chamber to leave Cudahy, which contributed to disarray in the city’s business community.

L.A. County Deputy Sheriff Miguel Mejia, who served for several years in Cudahy, says he always was baffled by Perez’s obsession with wielding power while law enforcers were fighting an uphill battle against gangs and drug dealers, who, he alleges, seemed to have an inside line into Cudahy City Hall.

Says Mejia, “We brought in helicopters, a special gang-enforcement unit. I seriously believe gangs felt our presence.” But, he says, “If we suspected someone of committing a crime, we’d have to keep it from the city.” Interviews with two former Cudahy municipal officers, who asked to remain anonymous, confirm that part of their job was to report to City Hall about what the police were doing, and who they were talking to.

Perez’s revenue-generating activities paid off —? sort of. The city reserve climbed to $3.8 million in 2006 — an unusually high reserve for any California city with an $8 million annual budget.

Yet unpaid bills mounted. The Weekly has reviewed internal e-mails from city employees warning that road-repair companies were threatening to send the city to collections and reminding Perez that payroll expenses were reported for employees no longer with the city. Despite the huge city reserve, payment on the police contract fell behind last year by $245,000, according to a June 20, 2006, letter to Perez from former Maywood City Attorney Cary Reisman.

A 2003 decision shows where the city’s priorities are — and may begin to explain why Maywood’s current police troubles are not easily separable from Cudahy.

Perez and the sheriff had already been at cross-purposes for years when, three years ago, Perez moved to oust two local tow-truck companies the Sheriff’s Department had long worked with. Perez wanted to bring in Maywood Club Towing, giving it access to sensitive law-enforcement data, according to Sergeant Ruben Martinez of the L.A. Sheriff’s Department.

“You’ve dealt with two companies for years that are located right in your city, and all of sudden you go outside with a company you’ve never worked with before?” asks Martinez. “We weren’t comfortable with that.”

Not to be thwarted by the Sheriff’s Department, Perez shopped for another agency to police Cudahy — and Maywood, despite sharing no boundaries with Cudahy, liked the idea of earning $2 million a year, which allowed Maywood to double the size of its small force. Perez says the move had nothing to do with a towing dispute.

Dumping the sheriff’s contract was bizarre. Interviews with local drug police and a review of search-warrant records from 2006 confirm that Cudahy — all 1.2 square miles of it — is a crime hotbed, even as Maywood police work overtime on traffic patrol. In April, federal agents seized automatic weapons and 270 pounds of marijuana and caught Cudahy-based suspects on a wiretap discussing plans to buy and sell “20 to 30 pounds” of methamphetamine and large amounts of cocaine.

“The Sheriff’s Department is a large, professional organization,” says former Cudahy City Attorney Michael Colantuono, who was fired by Perez. “But the city manager does not have as much control over the Sheriff’s Department . . . the sheriff won’t protect your friends or punish your enemies.”

Along with the Maywood Police Department came Maywood Club Towing. A mess ensued — at least in Maywood, which last week imploded in scandal. On February 13, under intense community pressure, the Maywood City Council unanimously voted to ask California Attorney General Jerry Brown to probe allegations of kickbacks to cops and city officials by Maywood Club Towing, as well as claims of police sexual and racial abuse. Among the accusations is that Maywood police flew to Las Vegas, courtesy of the towing company, getting free rooms and the services of prostitutes.

A spokesman for Brown said on Tuesday that the attorney general will defer to District Attorney Cooley, who announced last Friday that he has launched a criminal investigation of Maywood officials and police.

Last August, Maywood police officer Alfred Hutchings received anonymous letters at his office at Chapman ?University, where he works part-time as an ethics professor. The letters, copies of which were obtained by the Weekly, ?apparently were written by a Maywood Police Department ?whistleblower and contain graphic descriptions of racially and sexually abusive cops who were protected if they met quotas for impounding vehicles. The letters also accused two City Council members of taking kickbacks from Maywood Club Towing.

Hutchings turned the letters over to Maywood Police Chief Bruce Leflar, who in November named Hutchings to head the department’s professional-standards unit. But within a week, Leflar went on medical leave, according to an internal e-mail from Lieutenant Paul Pine, who, as the new ranking cop, promptly dismissed Hutchings.

The letters claim that Pine lived rent-free in an apartment in Maywood owned by the owners of Maywood Club Towing, and that many Maywood officers, including Pine, left previous jobs under pressure from superiors. According to civil rights lawyer Tom Barham, the new acting police chief, Richard Lyons, was promoted from patrol sergeant with no command experience or training, after leaving jobs with Santa Ana Park Police and the city of El Monte. “He’s no Audie Murphy,” Barham told a packed Maywood City Council hearing last Tuesday.

Sergeant Enrique Gonzalez, the Maywood Police Department’s official liaison to Cudahy, insisted to the Weekly recently that the allegations “are isolated to Maywood. In Cudahy the citizens want us there. They cooperate with us.”

In recent months the Weekly paid numerous visits to the Maywood Police Department to gather Cudahy crime statistics and ask about public safety. During one of our visits, in January, acting Maywood chief Lyons refused to discuss the Cudahy police contract or anything related to policing or public safety, referring all questions to the new Maywood city attorney, Francisco Leal, formerly of Leal & Olivas. (Leal’s former partner, David Olivas, served as Maywood city attorney until 2004.) The Weekly has called Leal for comment several times, but he has not responded.

Why did Cudahy want Maywood police and Maywood Club Towing in the first place, and why is Cudahy City Manager George Perez satisfied with them amid all the problems?

The Weekly confirmed with Perez that several of the officers named in the anonymous letters to Hutchings have policed the streets of Cudahy, including a current motorcycle officer named Florencio Mesa. Mesa stands publicly accused of sexual misconduct, and also is known as a prolific ticket writer, racking up some 100 impounds a month, which brings in $100,000 in revenue, according to the letters. Perez acknowledges Mesa’s ticket-writing prowess but says the allegations against Mesa are “out of character.”

Perez says that in Cudahy, people don’t tolerate bad police behavior. But some residents are extremely unhappy with the job Maywood police are doing in Cudahy.

Three months ago, 15-year-old Joseph Garcia was shot and killed on Santa Ana Street, less than 100 yards from Cudahy City Hall. Perez was at the scene when police arrived, and he received an earful from Garcia’s father, according to police sources, who say Garcia’s father was blaming Perez for his son’s death — not enough Maywood police patrolling the streets. Perez, when asked by the Weekly about the father's anger, replies dismissively, “People are always looking for someone to blame.”

Two weeks later, with residents still shocked by the City Hall–adjacent killing, a Neighborhood Watch meeting attracted 200 people — but crime was never discussed. Instead, Perez presided over a surreal pep rally featuring “happy birthday” sing-alongs, rounds of applause for new parents, sales pitches from Herbalife and New York Life, and a gift raffle.

For two hours, nobody mentioned murdered teenager Joseph Garcia, or street violence. The most pressing matter raised was speed bumps. “That’s how George plays it,” Sheriff’s Sergeant Martinez says. “He’s into petting puppies and kissing babies.”

Perez urges folks to call him with problems, but one woman went too far and ended up with an unwanted visit from Maywood police and a vandalized car. After the odd Neighborhood Watch meeting last November, the woman reminded Perez that he had advised her to call police about young men loitering outside her apartment, a chemical smell she thought was related to drugs, and strangers suspiciously running into the building from idling cars.

After she complained to Perez, police loudly knocked on her door in full view of the trouble spot. Then, someone scraped her car with a key. She was afraid to let her children outside after that. Perez listened intently, as she described her fear. “Call me next time,” Perez was now telling her, “and I’ll see it doesn’t happen again.”

The next day, Perez presided over another community event in which he once again acted as the benevolent political boss: free turkeys and bags of food for everyone — compliments of the city with a $3.8 million reserve and one of the highest unemployment rates in Los Angeles County.

Such events enhance Cudahy’s south-of-the-border image. While residents get these nominal handouts, the Weekly has learned, gang members get city jobs. In May 2006, according to a Maywood Police arrest report, police were attempting to pull over 20-year-old city employee Robert Garcia in traffic, when Garcia drove into Perez’s driveway and started yelling, “George! George! George!” Police searching Garcia’s car found a knife and less than a gram of meth and booked Garcia, identified in the report as an 18th Street gang member, for possession of drugs. Garcia pleaded guilty and is receiving drug counseling, according to the District Attorney's Office.

Perez says he believes in second chances. But when asked by the Weekly whether he believes he should be held accountable for the dangerous conditions in his city, Perez offers an anecdote that suggests he is unable to confront them.

In December 2005, 28-year-old Cudahy resident Francisco Lopez was shot and killed, Perez says, a murder which prompted a woman to loudly criticize Perez in public while her son, an active gang member, looked on. Perez, knowing about the son’s gang involvement, said nothing about the mother’s hypocrisy.

Clearly proud, Perez tells the Weekly, “The next day the son came and thanked me” for not publicly mentioning his gang affiliation.

Others find that benevolent attitude outrageous. “That is empowering a gangster and telling him it’s okay,” says former councilwoman Araceli Gonzalez.

At the same time, Perez has cordial relations with Hector Marroquin Sr., an 18th Street Gang member who, despite touting himself as a gang-intervention worker, also is a street enforcer for the Mexican mafia, according to confidential law-enforcement documents obtained by the Weekly. (See “Broken Bridges,” L.A. Weekly, December 15-21, 2006.)

Perez is hardly shy about his relationship with this alleged mafia associate whose street nickname is “Weasel.” Marroquin owns a bar called Marroking’s Deuces on Atlantic Avenue in Cudahy. This month, campaign signs for the longtime Cudahy City Council incumbents adorn the property, the scene of an alleged assault in 2005 during which Marroquin, according to an arrest report, warned a patron who owed him money: “You’re messing with the Mexican mafia. I run all of Cudahy.”

Last March, police searched the bar and adjacent buildings in connection with a home-invasion robbery they suspected Marroquin’s son had committed. The police found ammunition, drugs and gang literature.

Marroquin’s reaction to the police search? He called City Manager Perez.

Perez pauses briefly before conceding that he placed a call to then-Maywood Police Chief Bruce Leflar, going to the top on behalf of a dubious associate. “I’m concerned any time a business owner in this community feels harassed,” Perez says.

Perez fumbles for an explanation when asked why Marroking’s Deuces, according to city records, has not had a valid business license since 2004: “I don’t know how that happened.” When asked about the community’s low perception of the bar Marroquin owns, Perez shrugs, “We’ve noticed a certain element hanging out there.”

A key figure in the upcoming election is Cudahy Vice Mayor Osvaldo Conde, the owner of a meat market and check-cashing store. Conde, at times a Perez ally, seems to lead a double life.

A regular at the Potrero Club, where he doesn’t bother to clear security but just walks right in, Conde was arrested in the early-morning hours in December in Huntington Park on charges of driving under the influence of alcohol, according to information released by Huntington Park Police.

He was not booked as Osvaldo Conde but as Osvaldo Lopez. He has pleaded not guilty to the charge of drunken driving. But the Weekly has learned that Conde has two different birth dates and two different Social Security numbers on business-license records in Cudahy. Conde lives part time in Lynwood, four miles south of Cudahy. Conde would not respond to the Weekly’s requests for an interview.

It’s hard not to feel for Cudahy, the little city plagued by gang and drug crime — and no apparent interest on the part of local, regional or federal authorities in stopping it. Observers say the government won’t act until residents raise a big enough stink — as Maywood residents just did.

“People in Cudahy are immigrants and renters, and all they want is to come home from work and enjoy a barbecue on weekends,” says L.A. Sheriff’s Detective Gama. “There are good people there, but they don’t want to challenge authority.”

Drug police say that many drug shipments crossing the Mexican border make two stops in San Diego and head straight for Cudahy. Drug runners from Cudahy return from Arizona and Texas and bring new guns into the community, police say. Meanwhile, 18th Street is engaged in violent conflict with a group called Just Blazing It, and the Clara Street and Cudahy 13 gangs remain active.

Nothing is likely to change in Cudahy until elected officials and appointed City Manager George Perez take a different approach. That seems unlikely. Perez is campaigning for the longtime incumbents he appears to influence — and he is guaranteeing victory on March 6. “We’ve already won,” he declares.

Former councilwoman Araceli Gonzalez is concerned that upstart city council candidates Danny Cota and Luis Garcia, seen as challengers not to their rivals running on the ballot but to Perez, don’t stand a chance because they refuse to raise money for their campaigns.

Garcia says he doesn’t want to owe anyone. Cota seems like he’s just enjoying the thrill of an election. Despite the thuglike tactics that scared off their friend Tony Mendoza, Cota and Garcia are not intimidated.

Still, Garcia confides he has misgivings about life in Cudahy. “Our parents left Mexico to have a better life here,” he says, implying that Cudahy is falling short of that dream.

Gonzalez, who left Cudahy after George Perez took over as city manager, has moved back. She says she is interested in teaching people how to stand up to the city’s bullying. But she too knows her limitations. As a longtime resident of Cudahy, she seems to sense the darker forces at play. “Some things are not worth getting ?killed over.”

*



When Mexicans take over..... THE LA RAZA (THE RACE) OCCUPATION PLAN at MAYWOOD or like Maywood’s sister city, TIJUANA?



The city of Maywood in Los Angeles County declared itself a sanctuary zone for illegal aliens this year. Then it got rid of its drunk-driving checkpoints, because they were nabbing too many illegal aliens. Next, this 96 percent Latino city, almost half of whose adult population lacks a ninth-grade education, disbanded its police traffic division entirely, so that illegals wouldn't need to worry about having their cars towed for being unlicensed.






Have you ever heard of CALIFORNIA’S LA RAZA DEMS speaking out about the 30 billion Mexican drug invasion? OR THE EVER GROWING MEXICAN GANG INVASION?





What happens when the Mexicans invade. Beyond walls covered with graffiti, surge in crime, anchor babies, contempt for the American flag, language, and laws.... the place becomes a filthy Mexican ghetto.



The sad thing about this is there are communities being destroyed by Mexicans all over the 50 states. It’s not just the border states close to the Mexican drug routes.








The city of Maywood in Los Angeles County declared itself a sanctuary zone for illegal aliens this year. Then it got rid of its drunk-driving checkpoints, because they were nabbing too many illegal aliens. Next, this 96 percent Latino city, almost half of whose adult population lacks a ninth-grade education, disbanded its police traffic division entirely, so that illegals wouldn't need to worry about having their cars towed for being unlicensed.


With crime rampant, political rivalry fuels armed feuds between city and state forces.

By Richard Marosi





Times Staff WriterJune 4, 2007



*

[W]e ought to be able to learn the perils of illegal immigration by looking at California.





WHAT CONSERVATIVES AND THE GOP DARE NOT SAY ABOUT IMMIGRATION





By Selwyn Duke
January 6, 2012
NewsWithViews.com

In a recent election piece, pundit Ann Coulter identified illegal migration as one of the two most important issues of our time. She writes that if we fail at halting it, “the country will be changed permanently.” She continues:

Taxes can be raised and lowered. Regulations can be removed (though they rarely are). Attorneys general and Cabinet members can be fired. Laws can be repealed. Even Supreme Court justices eventually die.

But capitulate on illegal immigration, and the entire country will have the electorate of California. There will be no turning back.

She expands on this later in the piece:

[W]e ought to be able to learn the perils of illegal immigration by looking at California.

Massive legal and illegal immigration has already so changed the California electorate that no Republican can be elected statewide anymore.

…If even Carly Fiorina and Meg Whitman, two bright, attractive, successful female business executives – one pro-life and one pro-choice – can't win a statewide election in California spending millions of their own dollars in the middle of the 2010 Republican sweep, it's buenas noches, muchachos.

Coulter is, of course, right – but she only dare hint at the real problem. The fact is that halting illegal migration will do nothing to forestall the socialist electoral shift to which she refers.

Question: Do you really think the demographic earthquake that turned the Golden State blue was mainly the result of illegal migration?

Or do you think that the legal variety might have had something to do with it?

There certainly are a few differences between legal immigration and illegal migration. For instance, we can’t know if someone sneaking into our country is a criminal, a terrorist or is carrying a disease. But the reality is that in most respects illegal migration is not a separate and distinct problem.

It is an exacerbation of the problem.

Because demographically speaking, legal immigration and illegal migration are virtually identical. Most all illegal migrants hail from the Third World and Asia, and – owing to the Immigration Act of 1965 (Ted Kennedy’s handiwork) – 85 percent of legal immigrants do as well.

In other words, yes, adding illegal migrants into the mix will help the statists take their California dreamin’ nationwide more quickly, but it will happen regardless unless we change our suicidal immigration model. So it really doesn’t matter if we “capitulate” on illegal migration or not, because we capitulated on the legalized version of it a long time ago. Now we’re only deciding whether Western civilization in the U.S. will get a death by 100 demographic cuts or 1000.

To be fair, Ann Coulter at least made passing mention of this reality when she slipped into her piece that “Massive legal and illegal immigration has already so changed the California electorate [emphasis added]….” Yet with the exception of Pat Buchanan, yours truly and a few others, this is an area where you’re more likely to hear the truth from leftist commentators – when they’re licking their chops over how successful they’ve been at importing their voters. Just consider, for instance, a 2011 NPR piece in which Mara Liasson cites a study by Ruy Teixeira at liberal feel tank Center for American Progress and writes:

Recent surges in the number of Hispanics in Arizona and Georgia could make those states potentially friendlier to Democratic candidates as well next year [2012]. Teixeira thinks similar population shifts could make holding on to Pennsylvania, where the president campaigned Wednesday, a little bit easier.

And if you think it’ll be a bit easier in 2012, wait till you see 2022.

And 2032 and 2042? Well, Orwell’s calling.

The fact is that upon being naturalized, our modern-day immigrants generally vote Democrat by wide margins – irrespective of whether upon arrival they were labeled legal or illegal.

And this isn’t hard to understand. Would you expect a devout Muslim to relinquish his faith upon setting foot on American terra firma? Would you suppose that mere passage across a border could magically transform a committed communist into a fan of free markets? My point is that ideology is much like religion: It is something deep-seated. It becomes part of a person’s self-image and gives his life meaning. And whether or not America is still the land of the free, it’s certainly not the land of the free from harsh realities.

And the reality is this: Most of today’s immigrants’ native lands have socialist-type governments because their peoples support socialist politicians. This is why Democrats import them: so these new arrivals can support socialist politicians here. They’re casting the votes Americans won’t cast.

Unfortunately, though, the closest we come to discussing this is when statists write banal election-analysis pieces. Otherwise, immigration is framed as purely an economic issue. Are immigrants supplanting Americans or merely doing jobs natives won’t? Are they contributing more in taxes than they use in services? In a nutshell, we just argue about money.

But what does it profit a nation to absorb the world but to lose its soul?

The fact is that the immigration debate is nothing less than a discussion about what kind of civilization we’re going to be. For the people make the culture – not the other way around – and the culture makes the government. In just the way that the Islamic invasion of Egypt in the seventh century turned it into a Muslim and Arab land when it had been neither, if you replace America’s population with a Mexican or Muslim one, you no longer have a Western civilization. You have Mexico Norte or Iran West.

It’s the culture, stupid.

But don’t expect a serious discussion about this anytime soon. For we are in the grip of  Immigrationism, the belief that immigration is always good and must be the one constant in an ever-changing universe of policy. It really is one of the most effective brainwashing con-jobs in history: Statists have made talk of what ensures their ultimate victory taboo. And Americans have been conditioned to accept as axiomatic a policy that guarantees the destruction of Western civilization in the U.S.

So if to you immigration is just a matter workers and labor costs, hospitals and services, and dollars and cents, then, hey, pesos and dinars can fill a bank account just as well. But if you’re concerned about the entire country having a Golden State electorate and San Francisco values, you cannot separate legal immigration from illegal migration. It’s all or nothing.

To only argue against amnesty is to fight for a half-measure – one that, ultimately, will still leave your children America dreamin’ on a California day.

Selwyn Duke is a writer, columnist and public speaker whose work has been published widely online and in print, on both the local and national levels. He has been featured on the Rush Limbaugh Show and has been a regular guest on the award-winning Michael Savage Show. His work has appeared in Pat Buchanan's magazine, The American Conservative, and he writes regularly for The New American, and Christian Music Perspective.

E-Mail: SelwynDuke@optonline.net

Website: selwynduke.com

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http://www.mexica-movement.org/ They claim all of North America for Mexico!



Lou Dobbs Tonight

Monday, February 11, 2008

In California, League of United Latin American Citizens has adopted a resolution to declare "California Del Norte" a sanctuary zone for immigrants. The declaration urges the Mexican government to invoke its rights under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo "to seek third‑nation neutral arbitration of disputes concerning immigration laws and their enforcement." We’ll have the story.

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Mexico’s previous president, Vicente Fox, has boasted that Mexicans who speak Spanish in the U.S. are doing their patriotic duty (to Mexico, of course) and complained about Anglo-Saxons not getting with the globalization program fast enough.

Well, in the 1990s, the organization's longtime president Raul Yzaguirre declared that "US English [the organization] is to Hispanics as the Ku Klux Klan is to blacks."

Lou Dobbs Tonight

Tuesday, September 4, 2007

 In his first state of the union speech since becoming president of Mexico, Felipe Calderon criticized the U.S. government and its efforts to shut down illegal immigration. During the speech Calderon proclaimed that “Mexico does not end at its borders” and that “where there is a Mexican, there is a Mexico.” Tune in for a full report on Calderon’s vigorous fight to protect Mexican interests in the United States—even when they’re built on illegal immigration.

 Lou Dobbs' commentary appears weekly on CNN.com.



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TIJUANA — The two police forces eyed each other across the narrow downtown street. On one side of 8th Street, city cops formed a line in front of their headquarters. On the other, 30 masked state police officers dressed in black faced them, holding weapons. City police had detained two state agents for allegedly threatening the mayor's bodyguards. The state police had come to free the two. They marched forward and tried to shoulder their way inside the building. The standoff last year, which ended when city police released the agents, was one of several incidents that have pitted police force against police force in a conflict that seems to have deepened with each car chase and raid. Armed confrontations between law enforcement agencies are nothing new in Mexico, where police often take the sides of rival drug cartels. But in Tijuana the friction is at least partly a political fight between the National Action Party, also known as PAN, and the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI.A period of relative harmony was broken when Jorge Hank Rhon, the PRI candidate, took office as mayor in late 2004 and hired his own police chief to run the 2,750-member municipal department, which the PAN had controlled for more than a decade. Baja California Gov. Eugenio Elorduy Walther of the PAN remained in charge of Tijuana's state police force, which includes 450 investigators and a highly trained rapid-response team.The opposing parties have said they are a unified front against criminal drug cartels, but the police rivalry has exposed a troubling level of disarray. Both police forces have been heavy-handed. In March 2005, city police surrounded state police headquarters and at gunpoint freed two of their officers who had been detained in a homicide investigation. Last month, city cops again surrounded the state police building after agents detained a city cop. And over the last year and a half, there have been at least half a dozen confrontations between state agents and city police assigned as bodyguards to Rhon. The police infighting couldn't have come at a worse time. In the city of about 1.5 million people, drug cartels are fighting for control of lucrative trafficking routes. Many upper and middle-class residents are moving out to avoid being targeted by kidnap-for-ransom rings. Rampant drug addiction is fueling a surge of car thefts and robberies. Because public safety remains the most important issue for residents, perceptions of police can shape political destinies, causing agencies to try to outdo or embarrass each other. "Each police force tries to show progress and achievements while attempting to criticize and embarrass the other force ¼ and the only groups benefiting from this situation are the crime rings," said Jose Maria Ramos, the director of the school of public administration at Tijuana's College of the Northern Frontier. After Rhon's municipal police chief took over, the agencies' areas of responsibility began to blur. State authorities are in charge of investigations, but municipal cops started expanding their turf and pursuing their own investigations in an effort to win over public opinion. They said they had to be more aggressive in a city overrun by crime. The feuding flared on busy thoroughfares when state agents started intercepting the mayor's motorcade of SUVs, which were filled with heavily armed bodyguards. The mayor's supporters called it harassment, but state police said the cars weren't registered. They said they had to watch such convoys closely because they fit the profile of organized-crime hit squads that carry out kidnappings and assassinations throughout the city. Each confrontation between the forces received ample coverage in local newspapers, and some PRI politicians called the stops an orchestrated campaign to embarrass the mayor. Police relations worsened in January when Mexican President Felipe Calderon dispatched thousands of soldiers and federal agents to the city. The general in charge of "Operation Tijuana" ordered city police to turn in their weapons while the officers were inspected for links to organized crime. City cops protested by patrolling with slingshots hanging from their holsters, complaining that the anti-corruption inspections should be extended to the state police. Rhon stepped down as mayor in February, ending his tense cross-town motorcades — and things have calmed down since, said Victor Manuel Zatarain, the city police chief. He and other law enforcement officials say that cooperation and coordination between the agencies have improved, especially in emergency situations. But some experts say deep divisions still undermine efforts to thwart organized crime. When several gunmen attacked Tijuana's General Hospital in April to free a wounded ally, for example, most of them escaped, despite a supposed joint operation by state and municipal police.With the state gubernatorial campaign set to start this summer, experts say police relations are likely to become more strained. Minor incidents still flare into tense confrontations, as was evident last month when state agents detained a city cop for allegedly carrying an unlicensed weapon. When Zatarain showed up at the state police building to clear things up, he brought seven bodyguards. About two dozen other city police officers surrounded the building and blocked off streets around the area, state police said. Soon after city police took up their positions, about 50 state police reinforcements arrived, and the two heavily armed forces ended up staring each other down for about one hour outside the headquarters.