Sunday, December 6, 2009

PHOENIX - ILLEGALS ARRESTED WITH GRENADE CASINGS

3 illegals arrested, 23 grenade casings seized in Phoenix

The suspects include 19-year-old Jesus Rodriguez-Avena, 34-year-old Fernando Calderon Suazo of Mexico, and 24-year-old Alberto Prieto Molina of Mexico.

http://www.alipac.us/article4717.html

RASMUSSEN REPORTS: 68% OPPOSE CITIES THAT GIVE "SANTUARY" TO ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS

LOS ANGELES IS A SANCTUARY CITY. $50 MILLION DOLLARS PER MONTH PAID OUT TO ILLEGALS ON WELFARE.
500 - 1,000 MURDERS PER YEAR BY MEXICAN GANGS. EACH COST NEARLY ONE MILLION TO PROSECUTE
47% OF THOSE EMPLOYED IN LOS ANGELES ARE ILLEGALS WITH STOLEN SOCIAL SECURITY NUMBERS.
THE TAX-FREE MEXICAN UNDERGROUND ECONOMY IN L.A. COUNTY CALCULATED TO BE MORE THAN $2 BILLION!


68% Oppose Cities That Give ‘Sanctuary’ To Illegal Immigrants

Most Americans oppose sanctuary cities and think their policies lead to an increase in crime.

http://www.rasmussenreports.com/public_content/politics/current_events/immigration/68_oppose_cities_that_give_sanctuary_to_illegal_immigrants

THE WALL WITH MEXICO - More Gov Propaganda?

"The government estimated it would cost $6.7 billion to cover most of the Mexican border by 2014."

HERE'S WHAT WE CAN EXPECT. THE GOV WILL RUN OUT OF MONEY AND THE FENCE BUILDING WILL CEASE. LAWS AGAINST HIRING ILLEGALS, THE MOST EFFECTIVE AND CHEAPEST WAY TO END THE MEXICAN OCCUPATION, WILL STILL NOT BE ENFORCED, AS OBAMA WORKS ON ANGLES FOR AMNESTY = ILLEGALS' VOTES.

NANCY PELOSI, WHO HAS LONG HIRED ILLEGALS, HAS ALSO LONG VOWED THE WALL WILL NEVER BE BUILT.

A BILLION DOLLARS A MONTH SQUANDERED IN THE WAR TO PROTECT THE SAUDI 9-11 INVADERS FROM SADDAM, WHILE OUR OWN BORDERS REMAIN OPEN AND UNDEFENDED AGAINST THE MEXICAN INVASION, DRUG CARTEL, AND GANGS.

GIVEN STATS, FROM NOW UNTIL 2014, THERE WILL BE ANOTHER 3 MILLION ILLEGALS WALK OVER OUR BORDERS AND INTO OUR JOBS!


Officials: Progress made on virtual fence project
By JACQUES BILLEAUD (AP) –

PHOENIX — Government officials overseeing the construction of a "virtual fence" along the 2,000-mile U.S.-Mexico border hope to turn over the first segment to the Border Patrol in January, while beginning construction on a second stretch in coming weeks.

Although the government has plans to extend the network of cameras, ground sensors and radars along most of the border, officials said they'll draw on lessons from the first two segments in southern Arizona as they contemplate if and where to build more sections and how fast to complete them.

The government estimated it would cost $6.7 billion to cover most of the Mexican border by 2014.

"We do want some time to look at whether or not that really does make the most sense," said Mark Borkowski, the government's director of the virtual fence project. "Is it really sensible to spend all that money? Or are there other more measured approaches? Maybe there are some places along the border that make sense, but maybe not the entire border."

As it now stands, once both southern Arizona sections are in operation along 53 miles of the border, the next step would be to authorize construction through the majority of the 375-mile border in Arizona, the nation's busiest gateway for immigrant smuggling and a major thoroughfare for marijuana smuggling.

By using cameras, ground sensors and radars mounted on a series of towers, the system allows a small number of dispatchers to track illegal border-crossers on a computer monitor. They'll be able to zoom in with cameras to see whether it's a person or animal moving, and decide whether the movement requires sending Border Patrol agents to the scene.

The virtual fence, developed as part of then-President George W. Bush's border security plan, is designed to add another layer of protection at the border, along with thousands of Border Patrol agents and 650 miles of real fences.

The government and the contractor building the virtual fence said they were making solid progress after a series of setbacks earlier in the project.

While a prototype virtual fence in southern Arizona has been in use for nearly two years, the first permanent 23-mile stretch along the Mexican border near Sasabe, Ariz., would be handed over to the Border Patrol in January for testing, if everything goes as planned. The government hopes to begin construction on a second 30-mile section south of Ajo, Ariz., once environmental clearances are finalized.

The project was criticized because of delays and the government's finding in 2008 that the 28-mile prototype fence didn't work properly. That prompted the government to withhold some payments to its contractor, Boeing Co. The prototype will be replaced by the first permanent segment.

As virtual fence construction continues, the Border Patrol continues to use older technology that has limitations.

Borkowski, who took over as the project's top leader months after the prototype came under criticism, said it would be easy to blame Boeing for the project's early failures, but much of the fault rests with the government.

The government left it up to Boeing to figure out what the government needed, and the Border Patrol — the end user — wasn't asked to be very involved at the beginning, Borkowski said.

"Unfortunately, what we communicated was, 'We are going to put up a system, everybody is going to love it and when we turn it on, it will work right out of the box and the Border Patrol will be delighted.' And that's not what happened," Borkowski said.

Borkowski said he wasn't entirely satisfied with Boeing's work on the project, but that the company has shown improvements in recent months.

Tim Peters, a vice president for Boeing, said large, complex project experience fits and starts and that his company has made good progress in figuring how to tie together the project's off-the-shelf components.

"It's like sitting down at Christmas, and your kid or your nephew just got a box of Lincoln Logs, Legos and Tinker toys and now you have to figure out how to put those pieces together," Peters said. "And Legos don't necessarily play well with Tinker Toys, and Tinker Toys certainly don't play well with Lincoln Logs."

Ira Mehlman, a spokesman for the Federation for American Immigration Reform, which favors tougher immigration enforcement, said he wasn't confident that the virtual fence will end up being built along the whole length of the border and that the delays on the project show that the government wasn't serious about securing the border.

"The confidence will come when they actually have something out there that actually works and helps stop people from coming across the border," Mehlman said.

FAIR In Your Community - FIGHTING for JOBS FOR AMERICANS

FAIR in Your Community


Update from FAIR's Legal Arm IRLI (Immigration Reform Law Institute):

The Programmer's Guild v. Chertoff

On November 13, 2009, IRLI filed a petition to the United States Supreme Court asking for review of a Third Circuit decision denying 11 computer programmers, scientists and engineers and three organizations representing such citizens the ability to challenge a rule which increases the number of foreign workers competing with them for jobs in their respective fields by 40,000 foreign workers per year. The Bush Administration used the student visa program to circumvent the labor quotas in the H-1B tech guest worker visa program to appease businesses that were denied an increased number of foreign workers when the Comprehensive Immigration Reform bills were not passed in 2006 and 2007.

Mendez v. Bradshaw

On November 23, 2009, the Southern District Court of Florida granted IRLI’s motion to represent the Florida Sheriffs’ Association's position in a case involving the constitutionality of ICE detainers. The Plaintiffs, represented by Latino Justice PRLDEF, claimed that their illegal alien plaintiff’s rights were violated because the Sheriff allegedly refused him bond and allegedly unlawfully continued to hold the illegal alien at the request of ICE. IRLI’s brief addresses the authority of state and local officers’ to enforce civil immigration law, the constitutionality of state officers holding illegal aliens temporarily at the request of ICE, and whether state and local officers are immune from civil suit when assisting ICE in the enforcement of immigration law.

Mocci v. Connolly Properties, Inc.

On November 25, 2009, IRLI filed a Notice of Appeal to the Third Circuit Court of Appeals on behalf of a tenant living in an apartment complex managed by Connolly Properties, Inc. in Northern New Jersey. The tenant had filed a RICO claim alleging that the various individual defendants were unlawfully harboring illegal aliens in his apartment building. The District Court of New Jersey dismissed the claim holding that the tenant had not plead a valid harboring claim. Numerous Courts of Appeals differ on the definition of harboring, and ultimately this confusion will be resolved by the Supreme Court which has not issued a decision on harboring in over 60 years.

BORDER AREA VIOLENCE - OPEN AND UNDEFENDED BORDERS WITH NARCOMEX

Border Area Violence & Security Problems in the Americas

By John P. Sullivan and Adam Elkus

Border zones are incubators of criminal instability and violence. Weak state presence and the lucrative drugs trade are combining to challenge state sovereignty in acute ways. Consider Mexico, where the northern frontier with the U.S. and southern border with Guatemala are contested zones. The bloody centers of gravity of Mexico’s drug cartels are the ‘plazas,’ the drug smuggling corridors that link the borders.

It is in the ‘plazas’ that violence is the highest, as cartels struggle for control of the most lucrative routes and federal police and military struggle to impose order and eradicate corruption. The tenacity of the fighting and the utter horror and barbarity of the violence signify the value of the terrain to the cartels — and the continuing importance of borders in the Americas as sites of conflict and illicit exchange.

While some have fretted that these zones could harbor jihadi terrorists, the real danger lies in the violence produced by bloody competition over these lucrative areas and the spread of criminal reach and power throughout the state and across frontiers.

Fighting for the frontier

When most think of conflict and border zones, they imagine territorial disputes such as India and Pakistan’s recurring battles over Kashmir, or less serious tug-of-wars such as Japan and South Korea’s contestation of the Liancourt Rocks. To be sure, there have been territorial disputes, such as Nicaragua’s dispute with Colombia over several islands, or Colombia’s conflicts with Venezuela and Ecuador over narco-guerrillas operating from their territory. Yet, as former FRIDE researcher Ivan Briscoe argues, the biggest sources of violent conflict have been the erosion of government control over border zones and the rise of criminal groups, gangs, and cartels in loosely governed zones (see Ivan Briscoe, “Trouble on the Borders: Latin America’s New Conflict Zones,” Madrid: FRIDE, July 2008).

Discourse over spaces of loose governmental authority has generally been dominated by a focus on terrorism. As such, most American security publications discussing Latin America have focused on the Tri-Border region on the Paraguayan border, a haven for money laundering and Middle Eastern groups such as Hezbollah. Ciudad del Este, the Tri-Border region’s main city, has appeared in many American analyses of Latin American security. The focus on foreign presence, while a serious issue, obscures the local roots of Latin American insecurity in frontier zones.

As Briscoe argues, “violence and institutional corrosion have plagued as never before the frontier between Mexico and the United States, while Guatemala’s eastern border region and Colombia’s frontiers with Ecuador, Venezuela and Brazil witness these countries’ highest murder rates, as well as territorial capture by armed groups and narco-trafficking networks.” Most importantly, he notes that government authority in these zones has been ‘hollowed out’ and replaced by evolving global-local networks of criminal authority. The population often grasps which way the winds blow, and turn to other sources of informal law and power.

Some 90 percent of South American cocaine (up from 55 percent in 2007) currently transits the Mexico-Central American Corridor. A side effect of this trade is the risk of Central American states being besieged by the violence and corrupting influences of networked transnational criminal actors. Gangsters are exploiting weak state presence in border zones to transform drug trafficking operations by exploiting a variety of “parallel states” ranging from stateless territories (criminal enclaves) and mafia-dominated municipalities linked to the global criminal economy to build political and economic muscle.

Fragile, ungoverned spaces and borders

Border zones are natural transit corridors. As enforcement pressures in neighboring states increase, the entire range of criminal activity is also prone to spill over. Border zones, such as Guatemala’s Petén province, and sparsely policed areas like the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua, are incubators of instability and ideal venues for refueling, repackaging product, and warehousing drug stockpiles. While this was first realized in Guatemala and Honduras, El Salvador, Panama and Costa Rica, indeed all Central America, are currently at risk of being caught in the ‘cross-border’ spillover of Mexico’s drug wars. Controlling these border zones is key to transnational gangs and cartels. Los Zetas, for example, not only train in sparsely populated border areas, they seek to sustain military control of the frontier and adjoining terrain on both sides of Mexico’s southern border between Chiapas and Guatemala.

Informal economies have sprung up around Latin American border zones. The breakdown of government authority in these zones is not necessarily the consequence of globalization but globalization impacting traditionally loose frontier economies that situate themselves as in-between zones for illicit goods from a common regional network. This is not so much a ‘decline of the state’ situation as much as a transition into a different form of state power distinguished by the linkage of traditional informal networks in the region with globalized forms of illicit commerce. Because of the lucrative nature of these zones, they tend to be magnets for conflict. Briscoe notes, “The homicide rates of the Caribbean and Central America, the world’s highest, are indicative of a correlation between trafficking density and chronic violence.”

This isn’t to say that the state doesn’t occasionally contest criminal power. Mexico’s government has for nearly three years waged a ferocious, heavily militarized war against drug cartels. In turn, they have suffered heavy losses among soldiers, police, and civil servants. Mexican border cities eerily resemble scenes from Iraq, with ‘surges’ of heavily armed soldiers, special operations raids on cartel safehouses, and ferocious cartel retaliations (see Hal Brands, Mexico’s Narco-Insurgency and U.S. Counterdrug Policy, Carlisle Barracks: Strategic Studies Institute, May 2009).

In Brazil, police have become increasingly militarized. Policing against criminal gangs in major Brazilian cities is carried out by heavily armed civilian and military police trained in urban warfare techniques. As a Joint Special Operations University (JSOU) monograph noted, detailed action against criminal areas is carried out in the manner of classical ‘enemy-centric’ counterinsurgency, with units thinking principally in terms of the classic trio of isolation of the area, movement to contact, and the conquest of key points (see Alvaro de Souza Pinheiro, Irregular Warfare: Brazil’s Fight Against Urban Guerrillas, Hurlburt Field: Joint Special Operations University, 2009). While stabilizing high intensity violence and criminal insurgency requires advanced tactics and operational concepts, these must not routinely replace community policing which is required to sustain legitimacy. Yet, Brazil’s threat is not purely criminal gangs — and vigilante militias — challenging the state in the favelas. The expanding reach of criminal gangs in loosely controlled rural enclaves linked to urban and global economic circuits fuelling cross-border gangs is a dire potential.

Colombia has, for a long time, sought to suppress the FARC’s coca cultivation with a determined counterinsurgency campaign designed to stamp out production. As Briscoe notes, this really only displaced drug networks to safer redoubts beyond the striking range of Colombian military units. And, as the ‘bacrims’ (emerging criminal bands) demonstrate, new criminal enterprises frequently emerge to fill the vacuum in criminal opportunity space. As successful as Colombia’s President Alvaro Uribe has been in reducing FARC power, it is unlikely to completely eradicate non-state drug networks as long as they can take refuge in remote or politically sensitive areas. In this way, countries such as Ecuador and Venezuela serve as the South American equivalent of Pakistan’s frontier regions.

The need for multilateral regional security coordination

In general, military responses while effective in responding to short-term lack of order tend to be ineffective over the long-term. This is due to criminal penetration of security networks, endemic corruption, the complicity of civil servants and business figures with criminals, human rights abuses against civilians, and the intrusion of regional politics into domestic disputes over guerrillas and criminal violence. Moreover, it is commonly misunderstood that cartels and criminals are the sole producers of violence and disorder. Instead, they are in many cases the result of larger political-economic dynamics and will remain so as long as state and international organs do not address those dynamics.

Additionally, there is no one single cross-border criminal threat. Instead, Latin America is crisscrossed by a mosaic of hundreds of individual disputes, gangs, cartels, criminal insurgencies, and corrupt government-criminal networks all competing for power over lucrative terrain. The bloody competition between these groups is as big a threat (if not more) than the conflicts between criminals and embattled municipal and federal governments. Civilians caught in the middle of these disputes, as well as overly blunt military or police response, are increasingly casualties of war.

As Briscoe notes, there is a need for a non-militarized focus on regional security, embracing growing regional powers such as Brazil as well as aspiring powers such as Venezuela. Regional security coordination could enable police and justice sector reform, including the rise of networked policing, prevention, and rehabilitation policies designed to suppress criminal violence, stabilize ungoverned regions, and mitigate social problems that produce gang violence.

These networked efforts must go beyond a counter-drug focus to embrace a counter-violence approach that addresses the full range of transnational organized crime: drug, small arms and human trafficking; money laundering; and gangs. They must become ‘community’ not ‘enforcement’ centric and emphasize building and nurturing community institutions that contribute to economic opportunity and leverage government legitimacy. These approaches must be carefully vetted to avoid community institutions being captured by criminal syndicates and gangs. Intelligence cooperation and multinational investigations are also crucial to crushing transnational criminal syndicates whose links stretch across the Americas.

Without a true regional consensus for action, border zones in the region’s increasingly fragile states will continue to be exploited by gangsters and the body count — unfortunately — will continue to grow.

HOUSTON - Some Toy Drives Check Immigration Status

MEXICANOCCUPATION.blogspot.com

OPINION:

No child should pay for the sins of their parents. Nevertheless, the hard and cold reality is that there’s simply not enough of AMERICAN to be divided up and handed out to Mexico!
We now have 38 million of them and breeding fast. Mexico has nearly 50 consulates around the country to advance the Mexican welfare state in this country, mostly by handing out phony consulate I.D.s so the illegals can open bank accounts. Mexico saves billions by shipping their poor, illiterate, criminal and frequently pregnant over our borders. The Mexican government is an active lobbyist, in part through the Mexican front of LA RAZA (also supported by you tax dollars!) to add illegals to the LA RAZA OBAMA health-care plan. We already put out billions in medical costs for illegals, which has caused a “meltdown” for hospitals in Mexican occupied Los Angeles and around the country.
There are other realities to look at beyond the fact the Mexican government and their people they send packing empty handed over our borders. These people no respect for this nation. They are here to pillage, not become “Americans”. They will teach their children, born here at American expense, or walked over the borders, that to speak English is aping the stupid gringo. At Los Angeles Santee Education Complex, students, mostly Hispanic, are taught in Spanish. Their (seldom opened books) are taught in Spanish. Their handouts are in Spanish, and they end their school assemblies with !VIVA MEXICO! VIVA MEXICO! It is not surprising to find MEXICANS RANTING at what we owe them! It is the Mexican policy. The Government of Mexico owes their people nothing but to be exported. The American people owe them the American dream, which strangely the typical Mexican has as much contempt for as they do English!
According to a Zogby poll, Mexicans are the most racist culture in this hemisphere. Mexican gangs have routinely murdered Black Americans in Los Angeles. And yet Obama can’t hispander enough.
THE AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS HAS PAID A STAGGERING PRICE FOR THE MEXICAN INVASION AND OCCUPATION. IT’S NOT ABOUT THE POOR MEXICANS. THEIR OWN GOVERNMENT DOESN’T GIVE FUCK ABOUT THEM. MEXICO’S ONLY INTEREST IN EXPANDING THE MEX OCCUPATION, IS THAT THIS MAINTAINS THE MEXICAN ECONOMY IN THE HANDS OF THE MEXICAN RULING FAMILIES. THERE ARE MORE BILLIONAIRES IN MEXICO, THAN IN SAUDI ARABIA OR SWITZERLAND! THEY KNOW WHAT THEY’RE DOING.
In Mexican occupied gringoland, Congress does not care about the American people. Their paymasters are Wall Street, which has one LAW! Corporate profits cannot be high enough. Wages cannot be low enough! We see this as the assault on the American people by Wall Street, banksters, and their bought whores in Congress work endlessly for AMNESTY = ILLEGALS’ VOTES = DEPRESSED WAGES.
There is a reason why the FORTUNE 500 are such generous contributors to LA RAZA “THE RACE”!

WHILE WE DEBATE WHETHER ILLEGAL CHILDREN SHOULD HAVE FREE GIFTS, THERE ARE YEARLY 1. MILLION AMERICANS FALLING INTO POVERTY, WHILE 1.5 MILLION ILLEGALS WALK OVER OUR BORDERS, INTO OUR HOSPITALS, WELFARE LINES, SCHOOLS, PRISONS, and frequently voting booths!

Some toy drives check immigration status

By JEANNIE KEVER Copyright 2009 Houston Chronicle
Nov. 30, 2009, 8:59PM
They don't claim to know who's been naughty or nice, but some Houston charities are asking whether children are in the country legally before giving them toys.
In a year when more families than ever have asked for help, several programs providing Christmas gifts for needy children require at least one member of the household to be a U.S. citizen. Others ask for proof of income or rely on churches and schools to suggest recipients.
The Salvation Army and a charity affiliated with the Houston Fire Department are among those that consider immigration status, asking for birth certificates or Social Security cards for the children.
The point isn't to punish the children but to ensure that their parents are either citizens, legal immigrants or working to become legal residents, said Lorugene Young, whose Outreach Program Inc. is one of three groups that distribute toys collected by firefighters.
“It's not our desire to turn anyone down,” she said. “Those kids are not responsible if they are here illegally. It is the parents' responsibility.”
The idea of a charity turning away children because of decisions made by their parents unsettled some immigration activists.
“It is very disturbing to think a holiday like Christmas would be tainted with things like this,” said Cesar Espinoza, executive director of America for All, a Houston-based advocacy group. “Usually, people target the adults because the adults made the decision to migrate, where the children are just brought through no fault of their own.”
Other groups don't require specific documentation, relying instead on outside groups to recommend families.
“When you distribute toys to 10,000 to 12,000 kids, it's impossible to background (check) every child,” said Fred Joe Pyland, a Houston police officer who oversees the Blue Santa program. Blue Santa doesn't consider immigration status but collects names from police officers, schools and churches.
Those who do check immigration status or other qualifications say they are trying to ensure they make the best decisions about whom to help.
“We want to be good stewards, so the people that are donating to us trust we're going to do the right thing,” said Sonya Scott, manager of care ministries at West Houston Assistance Ministries. The group does not check immigration but requires identification, including birth certificates for children, and proof of income.
It has registered 686 children to provide with gifts this year, up from 613 last year.
At the Salvation Army, 30,000 children have registered for the Angel Tree program, which allows children to request the gifts they want most. That's up 20 percent from last year, spokesman Juan Alanis said.
Gifts for all children
Alanis and Young say they will serve families if the children are here legally, regardless of the parents' status. The Salvation Army provides gifts for all children in the family if one sibling is a citizen.
The Outreach Program requires parents to show photo identification and birth certificates or Social Security cards for the children. Young said she makes an exception if parents can show they have applied for legal status or that a child is enrolled in school.
Alicia White, a spokeswoman for the Fire Department, said it is up to each group distributing toys to decide how to do so. The other groups giving out toys collected by firefighters — Catholic Charities and the Hispanic Firefighters Caucus— do not ask about immigration status.
Participants in the Houston Chronicle's Goodfellows toy drive were selected by the Texas Health and Human Services Commission, chosen from those with children between the ages of 2 and 10 who receive food stamps, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families and Medicaid. People who aren't legal residents don't qualify for those services, but others in their household may.
Pre-registration closed
Most local toy drives are no longer accepting applications, although the Outreach Program doesn't pre-register recipients, so families needing gifts for their children will line up Dec. 23 at 1305 Benson.
One of the season's first big toy distribution events will be Saturday at the George R. Brown Convention Center, when 2,520 children from 63 area elementary schools will be treated to gifts by Navidad En El Barrio.
Israel Gomez, a retired Houston police officer who runs the program, said the kids are asked to donate one can of food.
Navidad En El Barrio draws participants from schools with a high percentage of students who qualify for free lunches.
For programs that select recipients themselves, deciding what documentation to require can be tricky. Alanis said the Salvation Army traditionally has required photo identification and proof of income and legal residency to ensure help reaches those most in need and to prevent people from registering at multiple Salvation Army locations.
Catholic Charities doesn't ask for proof of income or immigration status. But it does require identification and birth certificates to ensure people actually have the number of children they claim, spokeswoman Julissa Guerrero Chappell said.
ZOGBY POLL ON MEXICAN RACISM
“In Mexico, a recent Zogby poll declared that the vast majority of Mexican citizens hate Americans. [22.2] Mexico is a country saturated with racism, yet in denial, having never endured the social development of a Civil Rights movement like in the US--Blacks are harshly treated while foreign Whites are often seen as the enemy. [22.3] In fact, racism as workplace discrimination can be seen across the US anywhere the illegal alien Latino works--the vast majority of the workforce is usually strictly Latino, excluding Blacks, Whites, Asians, and others.”

Illegal Aliens Protest Salvation Arny - AN AMERICAN SPEAKS

ANYONE FORGET ALREADY HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS OF ILLEGALS MARCHING ON THIS COUNTRY, WAVING THEIR MEXICAN FLAGS, AND DEMONSTRATING THEIR RACIST RANTINGS?

THESE PEOPLE ARE NOT HERE OUT OF AFFECTION FOR AMERICAN! THEY'RE HERE FOR THE PILLAGE ONLY! HEARD ENGLISH TODAY?


Illegal Aliens Protest Salvation Army

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Date: 2009-12-03, 7:50AM PST

Reply To This Post

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Illegal aliens protested at the Salvation Army because they were
being asked for Social Security cards to prove legal residence
so they could get free toys for their little pacos and juanitas.

Sadly, the Salvation Army caved.

They should have contacted ICE and told them they
were being harassed by illegals or just turned a fire hose on
the useless freeloaders.

JIM KOURI - HOW MANY ILLEGALS HERE? LA RAZA DEMS DON'T WANT THEM COUNTED!

This staement pretty much says it all.....

"...in a sample of 55,322 illegal aliens, researchers found that they were arrested at least a total of 459,614 times, averaging about 8 arrests per illegal alien. "
By Jim Kouri The former Immigration and Naturalization Service estimated that the total unauthorized immigrant population residing in the United States was 12 million. This total includes those who entered the United States illegally and those who entered legally but overstayed their authorized period of stay. A more recent study estimated that there were about 17 million illegal aliens living in the United States. The study estimated that nearly 700,000 aliens entered the United States illegally or overstayed their authorized period of stay. Some experts believe this is a overly conservative figure and that illegal immigrants number close to 20 million. At the same time, after a steady annual reduction in crime, the annual FBI Uniform Crime Report reveals a slow but sure yearly increase in crime, especially violent crime. Some criminologists attribute the rise in crime to illegal aliens who come into the United States with a criminal background. Many illegal aliens in the United States have been arrested and incarcerated in federal and state prisons and local jails, adding to already overcrowded prisons and jails. The US Justice Department issued a report on criminal aliens who are incarcerated in federal and state prisons and local jails. The report contained information on the number of criminal aliens incarcerated, their country of citizenship or country of birth, and the cost to incarcerate them. Congress also requested that the Government Accounting Office provide information on the criminal history of aliens incarcerated in federal and state prisons or local jails who had entered the country illegally. In the population study of a sample of 55,322 illegal aliens, researchers found that they were arrested at least a total of 459,614 times, averaging about 8 arrests per illegal alien. Nearly all had more than 1 arrest. Thirty-eight percent (about 21,000) had between 2 and 5 arrests, 32 percent (about 18,000) had between 6 and 10 arrests, and 26 percent (about 15,000) had 11 or more arrests. Most of the arrests occurred after 1990. They were arrested for a total of about 700,000 criminal offenses, averaging about 13 offenses per illegal alien. One arrest incident may include multiple offenses, a fact that explains why there are nearly one and half times more offenses than arrests. Almost all of these illegal aliens were arrested for more than 1 offense. Slightly more than half of the 55,322 illegal aliens had between 2 and 10 offenses. About 45 percent of all offenses were drug or immigration offenses. About 15 percent were property-related offenses such as burglary, larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft, and property damage. About 12 percent were for violent offenses such as murder, robbery, assault, and sex-related crimes. The balance was for such offenses as traffic violations, including driving under the influence; fraud — including forgery and counterfeiting; weapons violations; and obstruction of justice. Eighty percent of all arrests occurred in three states — California, Texas, and Arizona. Specifically, about 58 percent of all arrests occurred in California, 14 percent in Texas, and 8 percent in Arizona. * it's NOT ok to contact this poster with services or other commercial interests PostingID: 1490795670 * Copyright ©

TERRORIST IN OUR COUNTRY - So Why Open Borders With NARCOMEX?

Target: Illegal guns
Smart proposals that could deny weapons to possible terrorists

Sunday, December 6, 2009



MAYORS AGAINST Illegal Guns, a bipartisan coalition of roughly 500 U.S. mayors, has been pushing for smart and sensible law enforcement solutions to reduce the number of illegal guns obtained by criminals or would-be criminals. Last month the mayors renewed their call for adoption of two relatively modest but potentially powerful proposals.

The first aims to close the so-called "terror gap" in existing gun laws by prohibiting any one on the country's "no fly" list from being allowed to purchase a gun. Such a prohibition would allow the FBI to stop "people who are too dangerous to get on a plane from buying guns and explosives," said New York Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, a co-founder of the mayors group. This proposal is a no-brainer.

A 2009 report by the General Accountability Office found 865 instances between 2004 and February 2009 where those on the terrorist watch list were able to buy a gun. The law currently bars convicted felons and immigrants who are in this country illegally, among others, from purchasing guns, but no mention is made of a suspected terrorist. Legislation to close this loophole, introduced by Sen. Frank Lautenberg (D-N.J.) and Rep. Carolyn McCarthy (D-N.Y.), has stalled.

The mayors are also arguing for elimination of a provision that forces the FBI to destroy within 24 hours any record of a background check performed on someone who passes the screening. The provision is part of the Tiahrt Amendment, a series of measures that place high hurdles in the way of law enforcement officials trying to discern where and when guns used in crimes were sold. Before the Tiahrt Amendment was passed, the FBI would routinely keep records of background checks on file for six months. Had this remained the practice, law enforcement agents who were tracking the activities of Maj. Nidal M. Hasan, the alleged gunman in the Fort Hood massacre, would have had the opportunity to see that he had purchased a weapon in August.

No one will ever know if knowledge of that purchase would have triggered an intervention that could have thwarted the Fort Hood attack. There should be no doubt, however, about the need for law enforcement officials to have access to this information.

MEXICO UNDER SEIGE Along Our Undefended Borders

WHY DO THE LA RAZA DEMS DEMAND OPEN BORDERS WITH NARCOMEX? BECAUSE THEIR CORPORATE PAYMASTERS, AND LA RAZA DEMAND EVER EXPANSION OF THE MEXICAN WELFARE STATE = ILLEGALS' VOTES, AND DEPRESSED WAGES!

WASHINGTON POST

Trafficker, 12 others die in Mexico battles

Sunday, December 6, 2009

MEXICO CITY -- Two shootouts between troops and gunmen in northern Mexico have killed 13 people, including a drug trafficker linked to the slaying of a retired army officer, officials said Saturday.

Navy spokesman Adm. Jose Luis Vergara said troops were searching a villa Friday in a suburb of Monterrey when they were ambushed by a group of heavily armed men. Eight gunmen were killed, and nine were arrested in the initial shootout, he said.

Television images showed a garden littered with bloodied corpses. Several handcuffed men sat on the ground with shirts pulled over their heads and a line of automatic rifles nearby.

Vergara said soldiers had gone to the villa to check out a report that suspected drug trafficker Ricardo Almanza Morales was there. He said one soldier was wounded and is in stable condition.

Almanza Morales, killed in the attack, was accused of working for the Zetas, drug traffickers who also serve as enforcers for the Mexican Gulf cartel, and of killing army Brig. Gen. Juan Arturo Esparza and his four bodyguards in an attack last month.

Esparza was killed just after being named police chief in the Monterrey suburb of Garcia. Five police officers were among 10 people arrested in Esparza's killing.

Nuevo Leon state Attorney General Alejandro Garza y Garza said in Monterrey that a second shootout that left five dead ensued when gunmen in at least 10 sport-utility vehicles heading to the villa, presumably to rescue those detained, ran into a military convoy.

Hours after the shootouts, gunmen suspected of working for the Zetas attacked a detention center in Monterrey suburb of Escobedo, killing two federal police officers and freeing 23 inmates. Fifteen of the prisoners were members of a kidnapping gang working for the Zetas; eight were suspects in robbery investigations, he said.

Drug-fueled violence has cost more than 14,000 lives across Mexico since President Felipe Calderón sent troops to crack down on cartels in late 2006.


-- Associated Press