Friday, March 10, 2017

WILL TRUMP END SANCTUARY WELFARE FOR LA RAZA STATES? - Top 3 'sanctuary states' voted big for Clinton, will lose millions

Amnesty plan would cost taxpayers $1.2 trillion

Hillary Clinton's plan to bring 11 million illegal aliens "out of the shadows" would cost American households an immediate tax increase of $1.2 trillion, or $15,000 per household, according to a study by the National Academy of Sciences.

Top 3 'sanctuary states' voted big for Clinton, will lose millions: In bold defiance of President Trump's threat to kill funding to so-called sanctuary cities that hide criminal illegal immigrants, the list of outlaw cities and counties has reached 600, according to a new analysis of the crisis. What's more, the left-leaning Center for American Progress has come up with an estimate of how much funding those cities, counties and even states threaten to lose under Trump's immigration executive orders: $870 million. While other expert groups have estimated the number of sanctuary cities at about 300, CAP produced a map showing some 600. That same map indicates that three heavily Democratic states that backed Hillary Rodham Clinton in the 2016 election would get hit hardest by the funding cuts, California, Illinois and New York.

Moina Shaiq holds a sign at a rally outside of City Hall in San Francisco, Wednesday, Jan. 25, 2017. President Donald Trump moved aggressively to tighten the nation's immigration controls Wednesday, signing executive actions to jumpstart construction of his promised U.S.-Mexico border wall and cut federal grants for immigrant-protecting "sanctuary cities." (AP Photo/Jeff Chiu)

Moina Shaiq holds a sign at a rally outside of City Hall in San Francisco, Wednesday, Jan. 25, 2017. President Donald Trump moved aggressively to tighten the nation's immigration controls Wednesday, signing executive actions to jumpstart construction of his promised U.S.-Mexico border wall and cut federal grants for immigrant-protecting "sanctuary cities." (AP Photo/Jeff Chiu)

Top 3 'sanctuary states' voted big for Clinton, will lose millions

In bold defiance of President Trump's threat to kill funding to so-called "sanctuary cities" that hide criminal illegal immigrants, the list of outlaw cities and counties has reached 600, according to a new analysis of the crisis.

What's more, the left-leaning Center for American Progress has come up with an estimate of how much funding those cities, counties and even states threaten to lose under Trump's immigration executive orders: $870 million.

While other expert groups have estimated the number of sanctuary cities at about 300, CAP produced a map showing some 600. That same map indicates that three heavily Democratic states that backed Hillary Rodham Clinton in the 2016 election would get hit hardest by the funding cuts, California, Illinois and New York.

The numbers of sanctuaries has been in question for years, in part because pro-immigrant groups count more in than have actual policies to refuse demands by federal immigration officials to turn over criminal illegals.
In fact, when the Obama administration threatened to cut off funding in 2016, some estimates dropped to 270. But pro-immigrant groups such as CAP, said a critic, boost the numbers to make the sanctuary city movement look popular and harder to kill.
The new report relied in part of a report from Immigrant Legal Resource Center for its number. It added, "There is no single definition of a sanctuary jurisdiction. For the purposes of this study, however, the authors consider it to be any place that, at the very least, limits the acceptance of Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainers, which are requests to hold people beyond the time when they would otherwise be released solely for federal civil immigration purposes."
Since Trump signed his executive orders, several cities have doubled down on their plan to hide criminal illegals. But at the same time, officials from Immigration and Customs Enforcement have stepped up their searches for those it wants to deport and criticized cities, notably New York City, for refusing to cooperate and potentially creating a dangerous situation for their citizens.he CAP report does not exaggerate what funding would be killed under Trump, who has not been specific about the money to cities he would target.
Instead, it adds up the funds the Obama administration, backed by congressional Republicans, would target, including Justice grants, law enforcement funding, and community block grants.

How many illegals looting or committing crimes in your county U.S.A.?

"More than 728,000 illegal immigrants have been shielded from being deported and 


granted work permits through President Barack Obama’s 2012 executive amnesty 


program, according to the Migration Policy Institute."

A NATION IN MELTDOWN: MEXICO SERVES UP THE HEROIN! - Overdose crisis exhausts West Virginia indigent burial fund

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“Whites had the highest rate of overdose deaths of any ethnicity, more than double the combined death rate for blacks and Latinos.

A Nation Commits Suicide


IMAGES OF AMERICA UNDER LA RAZA “The Race” Mexican occupation.


In West Virginia, 5,182 children were in foster care in 2016, most orphaned by the heroin epidemic.

The death toll translates into an average of one fatal overdose every 12 hours in the state

Overdose crisis exhausts West Virginia indigent burial fund

Overdose crisis exhausts West Virginia indigent burial fund
By Naomi Spencer
10 March 2017
Five months before the end of the fiscal year, West Virginia’s Department of Health and Human Resources (DHHR) funding for its Indigent Burial Program has run out.
Frederick Kitchen, president of the West Virginia Funeral Directors Association, told the Intelligencer/ Wheeling News Register March 5 that the spiraling drug overdose death rate is the cause of the funding shortfall. The DHHR’s budget for indigent burials is $2 million per year, and the department typically allocates $1,250 for funeral homes to provide burial services to the poor. “We’ve got five months with no money available,” Kitchen said. “Funeral directors do what they can, but this creates a hardship for a lot of funeral homes.”
The fiscal year ends June 30. So far, according to Allison Adler, spokesperson for state DHHR Secretary Bill Crouch, “1,508 burials have been committed for payment through the Indigent Burial Program. … There are funds remaining for 63 additional burials.” Every year since 2013, the fund has been depleted before the end of the fiscal year.
Kitchen explained that many overdose deaths require an autopsy that can take two or three weeks before a funeral. “It puts a lot of hardship on families after getting the worst news of their lives,” he said.
“Most of our families [of overdose victims] are worn out leading up to it,” said Eric Fithyan, a funeral director and planner for James and Chambers funeral homes in the Northern Panhandle of the state. “However, a lot of times we deal with the families asking the ‘what ifs’.”

Fithyan told the Intelligencer, “The biggest and hardest thing is dealing with those left behind. A drug overdose death is almost like a suicide or unplanned death, and there is no way to alleviate the grief.”

Many of the overdose victims leave behind young children, for whom grandparents and even great-grandparents must assume responsibility, creating severe financial and sometimes health hardships on them. In West Virginia, 5,182 children were in foster care in 2016, most orphaned by the heroin epidemic.
Relatives often spend down their resources before an overdose happens, trying to battle the addiction, Fithyan explained, leaving them little money to pay for a burial. Many overdose victims are penniless and lack life insurance.
The deaths are traumatic even for funeral home staff, Fithyan said. “It can be especially overwhelming for the younger staff seeing a segment of their society dying from these drugs.”
Gene Fahey, vice president at Altmeyer Funeral Homes, echoed the sentiments of Fithyan. “It’s the unnatural balance of life when parents are burying their children. … It affects all of us. Younger people on our staff are seeing people their own age, 20s and 30s, dying. They are coming eyeball to eyeball with mortality.”
The state’s drug overdose death rate stood at 41.5 per 100,000 in 2015, according to the latest available data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. This is the highest rate in the country, nearly three times the national average.

Last year, at least 818 people died from overdoses in the state, according to a February 13 analysis by the West Virginia Health Statistics Center, a 13 percent increase over the 725 who died in 2015. The Register-Herald newspaper reported that the vast majority of 2016’s overdose deaths involved at least one opioid. “We are seeing an unprecedented rise in the overdose deaths related to opioids,” Dr. Rahul Gupta, the state health officer and commissioner of the DHHR’s Bureau for Public Health, told the Register-Herald March 7. “It seems we have not yet peaked.”
The death toll translates into an average of one fatal overdose every 12 hours in the state. Many of the deaths are due to fentanyl or carfentanil, extremely potent opioids that have been introduced into the heroin trade in the United States. These drugs are many times stronger than morphine, and can cause nearly instantaneous asphyxiation and death. Gupta warned that carfentanil in particular presented dangers to both users and anyone near the drug. “You don’t necessarily have to be injecting a drug like this, because it’s so potent,” he said in a statement last October. “A first responder or a parent who may find their child’s drugs is at risk, too. Just by simply cleaning the drug off the floor, if a person isn’t wearing gloves or a mask, it’s possible for them to overdose just from being exposed.”
In cities like Huntington, West Virginia, the rate is far higher. Data from the state’s Health Statistics Center Drug Overdose Database indicates that as of January 2017, Huntington’s Cabell County recorded a fatal overdose rate of nearly 100 per 100,000 in 2016.
Jim Johnson, Huntington’s director of the Mayor’s Office of Drug Control Policy, told the Exponent Telegram in an article published February 7 that first responders in the city had prevented 300 fatal overdoses using the anti-opioid naloxone. “That’s 300 people that are somebody’s mother, son, father or daughter. We’re doing a good job at saving people, but the question is what’s next,” he said.
According to Gordon Merry, the executive director of Cabell County’s Emergency Medical Service, the situation is already markedly worse in 2017. In the first three weeks of the year, crews responded to 60 overdoses. The week of January 22-28 saw 32 more overdoses, more than double the number in the same period last year. Merry told the Huntington News Network that those numbers did not include deaths. All told, in 2016 Huntington saw 1,163 overdoses, and Cabell County recorded another 241.
Across the border from Huntington in Boyd County, Kentucky, overdoses have similarly spiked. The county’s ambulance service spent $2,500 in 2015 on Narcan, the branded version of naloxone. In 2016, the cost rose to $12,000, and the county is on track to spend $20,000 in 2017. Merry said Cabell County spent $50,000 on Narcan last year.
Carfentinal, the drug responsible for the 26 overdoses in the span of a few hours August 15 in Huntington, had taken at least 60 lives within the city and another 12 in the county last year. “It’s getting worse,” Merry said. “There’s no end to this. It’s becoming a revolving door. That’s what’s so frustrating. We need to get these people in treatment, and that’s not happening.”
The average age of an overdose victim in Huntington is 35. The youngest victim, who survived, was only 11 years old. The oldest nonfatal overdose victim was 65. Two-thirds of the overdoses were seen in men, and 93 percent of the victims were white.
Huntington is the epicenter of the heroin epidemic, but areas decimated by the collapse in coal employment are similarly crippled by the growth of drug addiction. “When jobs leave the area, people lose focus and don’t have anything to do, so they can end up turning to drugs,” said John Deskins, executive director of the Bureau for Business and Economic Research at West Virginia University. At least five counties in the state—10 percent of all counties—are considered in economic depression by the West Virginia Center on Budget and Policy. In former coal-mining regions, the unemployment and poverty rates stand in double digits, and thousands of people have moved away in the past decade.
Johnson, in Huntington, said the rise in heroin addiction had brought in the risk of another serious health epidemic. “Twenty-eight counties in West Virginia have already been notified by the Centers for Disease Control that they are in deep danger of an HIV and hepatitis outbreak,” Johnson told the Exponent Telegram. “When they started a harm reduction program and a needle exchange program in Huntington, 28 percent of the patients admitted to sharing needles. Over 50 percent of the patients were hepatitis positive.”
While there is a crying need for vastly expanded drug treatment options along with many other social services, the budget situation has worsened at the state, county and municipal level. The state is currently in the midst of a half-billion-dollar shortfall, and Democratic Governor Jim Justice is proposing sweeping cuts to virtually every department. Counties and cities are on the verge of insolvency, and have been axing basic social outlays (see “Report reveals deepening poverty in West Virginia”).
In January, the city of Huntington laid off dozens of police and firefighters to close a reported $2.2 million budget shortfall. The reduction in emergency responders will have an inevitable effect on the city’s death toll from overdoses. Firefighters are often the first on the scene of an overdose. According to Fire Chief Jan Rader, “We have had over 100 saves on the Huntington Fire Department alone [in 2016].”
In response to the budget cuts, which included the layoff of seven firefighters, fire stations erected a banner, photographed and posted to social media, that was swiftly ordered removed. It read, “This fire truck out of service due to lack of manpower. Don’t feel safe? Call your mayor.” Ray Canafax, a spokesperson for the fire department, told local television news WSAZ January 23 that the department’s overtime was cut and short staffing had resulted in taking one of the city’s two ladder trucks out of service. “We’re short four people,” he said. “When we’re short four people, that leads to us having to close a truck down.”


“The greatest criminal threat to the daily lives of American citizens are the Mexican drug cartels.”

Much more here:

“Mexican drug cartels are the “other” terrorist threat to America. Militant Islamists have the goal of destroying the United States. Mexican drug cartels are now accomplishing that mission – from within, every day, in virtually every community across this country.”

One County Saw a 27% Drop in Assaults After It Helped Enforce Immigration Law. Here’s the Rest of the Story.

Josh Siegel / 
In July 2007, the elected board of a growing county in Northern Virginia adopted a controversial resolution requiring the police department to partner with the federal government to help deport illegal immigrants.
Corey Stewart, the Republican elected the year before as chairman of the Prince William Board of County Supervisors, ran on a platform of stricter immigration enforcement during a time of economic anxiety.
“The main purpose of the resolution was to remove criminal illegal aliens so they couldn’t commit crimes, and to reduce illegal immigration to Prince William County,” Stewart recalled in an interview with The Daily Signal.
Before 2007, Prince William, a county of about 450,000 today, experienced dramatic growth in the number of foreign-born residents.
Most of these recent arrivals were Latino, a segment of the total population that almost doubled from 11.5 percent in 2000 to 21.9 percent in 2006.
The debate over the immigration enforcement measure, amplified by demonstrations and phone and email campaigns to sway the eight county supervisors, ended with a 15-hour board meeting.
More than 100 people testified before board members, delaying the vote, The Washington Post reported. Prince William’s supervisors, including six Republicans and two Democrats at the time, approved the measure unanimously.
Test Case: ‘Avoided the Controversy’
Prince William’s policy, as originally implemented in March 2008, required police to inquire about the immigration status of anyone officers encountered who they suspected to be in the country illegally, including people stopped for traffic tickets, for instance.
The Obama administration shunned policies like this one, which were authorized through the use of a program known as 287(g) that permits local and federal immigration partnerships.
The George W. Bush administration had expanded the use of 287(g) agreements—named for the section of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1996, signed by President Bill Clinton, that created them.
In President Barack Obama’s second term, however, his administration curtailed the 287(g) program, citing investigations and court rulings that found local officers in some jurisdictions had engaged in racial profiling when enforcing immigration law.
The most high-profile case was in Maricopa County, Arizona’s most populous county, where a federal judge ruled in May 2013 that Sheriff Joseph Arpaio’s policy discriminated against Latinos.
But today, as part of its own effort to strengthen immigration enforcement, the Trump administration is seeking to encourage and expand the use of 287(g) agreements.
In new memos detailing implementation of President Donald Trump’s immigration policies, John Kelly, secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, called the program a “highly successful force multiplier” that would help overburdened federal deportation agents enforce immigration law.
As local politicians and law enforcement agencies decide whether or how to act on Trump’s call for help, observers say Prince William’s experience can be instructive on how to make a successful partnership that balances community and security concerns.
Corey Stewart, chairman of the Prince William County Board of Supervisors, promoted an ordinance requiring the police department to help enforce federal immigration law. (Photo: Kevin Lamarque/Reuters/Newscom)
Corey Stewart, chairman of the Prince William Board of County Supervisors, promoted an ordinance requiring the police department to help enforce federal immigration law. (Photo: Kevin Lamarque/Reuters/Newscom)
After pushback from the police chief at the time, Charlie Deane, who worried about diverting resources from normal operations to immigration enforcement and harming public trust, the board of supervisors suspended the policy at the end of April 2008.
The board implemented a revised policy in July 2008.
Under the change, police officers could inquire about immigration status only after arresting someone and taking him or her to the county jail—not during interactions on the street before making an arrest.
“Prince William County took a moderate, down-the-middle approach and avoided the controversy,” said Randy Capps, the director of research for U.S. programs at the Migration Policy Institute, who helped write a study of 287(g) programs that included Prince William County.
“That’s an interesting contrast with other police departments and sheriff’s offices, and it shows that for this to work, it has to be somewhat reflective of local concerns,” Capps told The Daily Signal. “We have a tradition in the U.S. of local control over policing, and that will mean variations in policing when it comes to immigrants.”
Stewart, who served as Trump’s campaign chairman in Virginia, had fought scaling back the county’s policy of enforcing immigration law.
But today he credits the change with helping reduce serious crimes in Prince William County, such as aggravated assault—which declined 27 percent after announcement of the original policy in July 2007—while also respecting residents.
According to a University of Virginia report from 2010, no one made a substantiated claim of racial profiling related to the immigration enforcement program. Stewart says that is still the case.
Police officials issued bilingual brochures explaining the modified program to residents, and conducted hundreds of briefings with religious groups, social service agencies, and school faculty, among others.
“I opposed the change at the time, but at the end of the day, it was good,” Stewart told The Daily Signal, adding:
Federal immigration authorities need to be able to leverage local law enforcement to do the job of removing criminal illegal aliens. To do these things right, you have to make sure the community understands you are not racial profiling, but you are targeting illegal aliens who commit crimes. I learned there is a PR element which was very, very hard. Because one bad case of racial profiling can undo the whole thing.
Change in Priorities
At the peak of the 287(g) program’s use, in 2008, more than 60 local law enforcement agencies across the nation had agreements with the federal government, including three dozen that allowed for street-level enforcement.
In street-level agreements, known as “task force” models, police officers and sheriff’s deputies could inquire about a person’s immigration status when they encountered him or her during routine patrols—as under Prince William’s original policy.
These agreements allowed state and local law enforcement to work in task forces with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officials on specific immigration-related operations.
Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies for the Center for Immigration Studies, said 287(g) agreements at one point were responsible for nearly 20 percent of all criminal deportations by ICE.
ICE credits the program for identifying more than 402,000 “potentially removable aliens” from January 2006 through Sept. 30, 2015.
From 2006 to 2013, the program led to 175,000 deportations, The New York Times reported.
Today, ICE has 37 agreements in 17 states, but law enforcement agencies administer all of them in local jails, not in the streets.
That’s because Obama’s administration decided in 2012 to end street-level agreements, meaning that trained local police may question people about their immigration status only after booking and jailing them.
“The jail models are the ones that are most useful to ICE just because of the sheer numbers [of deportations] they generate,” Vaughan said, adding:
But the task force models canceled by Obama were extremely useful to local agencies, in some cases, at addressing specific crime problems. The Obama administration’s suppression of this program has contributed to the steep drop in interior enforcement.
In the Trump administration’s implementation memos, the Department of Homeland Security does not specify whether street-level agreements will be made available again to local agencies, although it leaves open the possibility.
“It is the policy of the executive branch to empower state and local law enforcement agencies across the country to perform the functions of an immigration officer in the interior of the United States to the maximum extent permitted by law,” the memos say.
In addition to restricting the 287(g) program, the Obama administration narrowed the categories of illegal immigrants targeted for deportation to convicted felons, national security threats, and recent arrivals.
By the end of Obama’s eight years as president, the administration didn’t consider around 90 percent of the country’s estimated 11 million illegal immigrants a priority for deportation, the Migration Policy Institute determined.
Interior removals—deportations of illegal immigrants who are not residing at or near the border—decreased by 71 percent during Obama’s presidency, from 237,941 in fiscal 2009 to 69,478 in fiscal 2015, according to ICE data.
The Obama administration had instructed local law enforcement officials to follow the narrow priorities set by the federal government. However, the Migration Policy Institute found that some jurisdictions did not always follow that direction, and sought to have ICE deport “nearly 100 percent of potentially removable immigrants they encounter.”
Trump’s orders, by contrast, instruct federal immigration officers to deport not only those convicted of crimes, but also those who aren’t charged but are believed to have committed “acts that constitute a chargeable criminal offense.”
“The No. 1 limitation of the ability to remove people from inside the United States is finding them,” said Theresa Cardinal Brown, director of immigration policy at the Bipartisan Policy Center and a former policy adviser at the Department of Homeland Security.
“Trump is expanding the net of people who are removable, but a few thousand ICE officers don’t have such a great chance of encountering them, especially in small jurisdictions,” Brown told The Daily Signal. “Criminal aliens, or those suspected of crimes, are much more likely to encounter state and local police. It’s up to the localities to decide how to follow Trump’s guidance. There’s always friction because there’s different priorities at different levels of government.”
Renewed Interest in Local Partnerships
Since it became clear Trump embraces the 287(g) program, some local agencies already are eager to engage with ICE, even if the partnership exists only in jails.
Last month, A.J. Louderback, the Republican sheriff of Jackson County in Texas, signed such an agreement with ICE.
Louderback, who is also legislative director of the Sheriffs’ Association of Texas, said more than 10 other counties in the state have expressed interest in brokering new partnerships with the federal government.
“We need to make sure our criminal aliens are handled consistently throughout Texas and throughout the U.S.,” Louderback told The Daily Signal.
“And the best way we can do it, the most efficient way we can do it, is to cooperate with ICE to make sure each criminal foreign-born alien is properly vetted before we let them out of jail.”
In the jail model, trained local officers interview inmates about their immigration status and identify potentially removable illegal immigrants to ICE. When booked, all new inmates are asked to state their place of birth and nationality. If an inmate indicates he is a noncitizen and foreign-born, the officer screens him by accessing a federal database that includes information about immigration status and history, then consults with an ICE supervisor.
If the local officer discovers that the person is an unauthorized immigrant, the officer may issue a detainer. This allows the jail to hold the inmate 48 hours past the normal release time before transferring the inmate to ICE custody.
ICE then would decide whether to pursue removal proceedings against the illegal immigrant.
Aside from training local officers chosen to carry out immigration enforcement duties, and providing and installing associated equipment, ICE does not pay for any costs associated with implementing the program. The local agency bears the costs.
In Prince William County, the sheriff’s office currently operates the 287(g) program through the jail. The police department’s agreement with ICE ended in 2012, after the Obama administration stopped allowing enforcement by local officers in the streets.
Prince William’s Stewart says ICE has trained eight officers in the county jail who do nothing but check immigration status.
He does not expect or want the county to expand into street-level enforcement, Stewart said, but is hopeful for one change under the Trump administration.
In previous administrations, he told The Daily Signal, ICE did not notify the county on whether the federal agency deported or released illegal immigrants after local officials transferred them to federal custody. ICE held that such information was private.
Local police rearrested 14 percent of the more than 7,400 illegal immigrants handed over to ICE since 2008, Stewart said.
“What changes now is a belief that Trump will keep his word and we will finally see the federal government deporting the illegal aliens we have handed over to them,” Stewart said.
Resistance Remains
Despite some renewed interest in 287(g), the program faces resistance from some states as well as so-called sanctuary cities, which limit cooperation in enforcing federal immigration law.
New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio said last week that the city would cooperate in cases involving “proven public safety threats,” but vowed that “what we will not do is turn our NYPD officers into immigration agents.”
The Major Cities Chiefs Association, an organization made up of dozens of senior law enforcement executives from the nation’s largest cities, rejects the policy of enlisting local or state officers in immigration enforcement.
“We do not believe local police should be involved in civil immigration enforcement,” Darrel Stephens, executive director of the association, told The Daily Signal. “We do have a responsibility, however, to enforce criminal laws regardless of one’s immigration status. Our agencies work with ICE on a range of programs involving human trafficking, gang enforcement, and the like.”
In Texas, Harris County Sheriff Ed Gonzalez, a newly elected Democrat, terminated a 287(g) partnership with ICE in which 10 trained local deputies screened the immigration status of jailed suspects.
Adrian Garcia, a Democrat who served as Harris County sheriff from 2009 to 2015, told The Daily Signal that he tried to end an agreement with ICE that he inherited from his predecessor.
During his tenure, Garcia said, Harris County altered the program so that local officers screened the immigration status only of “violent, serious” offenders in the jail, rather than all inmates.
The 23-year veteran of the Houston Police Department commended Gonzalez for ending the program.
“It was a constant battle to stay true to what I thought the goal should be, which was to go after the worst of the worst,” Garcia told The Daily Signal, adding:
It was important for me that the community never lost confidence in the police department. There was an increasing amount of feedback that people were not engaging with law enforcement as they could or should have.
Evaluating Impact
Back in Prince William County, debate over the impact of its immigration enforcement program continues, even though it is less visible and contentious today operating strictly in the jail.
A 2013 study published by the American Society of Criminology found that while the policy did not affect most forms of crime in the county (including robberies, drug offenses, and drunk driving), aggravated assaults declined 27 percent after the announcement of the original policy in July 2007.
Last year, 22 homicides occurred in the county, the highest total since local authorities began tracking them in 1975. The overall crime rate is at a 24-year low, however.
Prince William’s noncitizen Hispanic population (legal and illegal) declined 23 percent from 2007 to 2009.
A 2010 study by the University of Virginia found that most of the arrests of illegal immigrants in 2009—about 70 percent—were for drunken driving, public drunkenness, and driving without a license.
The study also showed that illegal immigrants committed a relatively small percentage of the county’s serious crimes—6 percent in 2009.
Experts say it’s difficult to connect crime and population trends to the county’s immigration policy, since illegal immigrants were committing a small percentage of serious crimes, and the policy’s implementation coincided with the economic downturn.
Thomas Guterbock, the director of the University of Virginia’s Center for Survey Research, said that overall, the policy had achieved its intended effect.

“As Prince William County showed, these programs can be effective in doing what they are intended to do—finding undocumented persons who have committed crimes or serious violations of immigration law,” Guterbock told The Daily Signal. “If done carefully, they could be made to work behind the scenes as a fairly quiet and unbiased way to find and deal with those people.”




The Justice Department’s National Gang Intelligence Center (NGIC) claims that Latino street gangs like the MS-13 are responsible for the majority of violent crimes in the U.S. and are the primary distributors of most illicit drugs.


“More significant still, a former Mexican official, Jorge Castañeda, threatened to unleash Mexican cartels onto the U.S. to retaliate for deportations of illegal immigrants and the construction of a border wall. “


….It’s all to keep wages DEPRESSED.
 “This nation no longer is a democratic republic...rather it has become a tool of the super-rich members of the above mentioned elite who preselect our presidents based on their cooperation and complicity with the elite’s ultimate goals. Obama has, in their opinion done superbly carrying out the plans well laid out for him by his backers.”        

“The principal beneficiaries of our current immigration policy are affluent Americans who hire immigrants at substandard wages for low-end work. Harvard economist George Borjas estimates that American workers lose $190 billion annually (DATED FIGURES) in depressed wages caused by the constant flooding of the labor market at the low-wage end.”   --- Christian Science Monitor




GRAPHIC IMAGES of America coming under Mex Occupation

The NARCOMEX drug cartels now operate in all major American cities and haul back to NARCOMEX between $40 top $60 BILLION from sales of HEROIN!

MEXICO’S BIGGEST EXPORTS TO U.S.: Heroin, Criminals, Anchor baby breeders for 18 years of gringo-paid welfare.



GRAPHIC IMAGES of America coming under Mex Occupation

The NARCOMEX drug cartels now operate in all major American cities and haul back to NARCOMEX between $40 top $60 BILLION from sales of HEROIN!



There’s more than one way to destroy America’s white middle class!

HSBC laundered hundreds of millions and perhaps billions of dollars for drug cartels responsible for the deaths of tens of thousands of people over the past two decades. The bank transferred at least $881 million of known drug trafficking proceeds, including money from the Sinaloa Cartel in Mexico, which is known for dismembering its victims and publicly displaying their body parts.



As soon as the UACs started arriving, Homeland Security sources told Judicial Watch that many had ties to gang members in the U.S. In fact, JW reported last July that street gangs—including Mara Salvatrucha or MS-13—went on a recruiting frenzy at U.S. shelters housing the illegal immigrant minors and they were using Red Cross phones to communicate.


The MS-13 is a feared street gang of mostly Central American illegal immigrants that’s spread throughout the U.S. and is renowned for drug distribution, murder, rape, robbery, home invasions, kidnappings, vandalism and other violent crimes. The Justice Department’s National Gang Intelligence Center (NGIC) says criminal street gangs like the MS-13 are responsible for the majority of violent crimes in the U.S. and are the primary distributors of most illicit drugs.



The same period has seen a massive growth of social inequality, with income and wealth concentrated at the very top of American society to an extent not seen since the 1920s.

“This study follows reports released over the past several months documenting rising mortality rates among US workers due to drug addiction and suicide, high rates of infant mortality, an overall leveling off of life expectancy, and a growing gap between the life expectancy of the bottom rung of income earners compared to those at the top.”

AMERICA THE ADDICTED: 1 in 7 are addicted
MEXICO’S BIGGEST EXPORTS TO U.S.: Heroin, Criminals, Anchor baby breeders for 18 years of gringo-paid welfare.
MEX WITH 37 CRIMINAL CONVICTIONS FINALLY DEPORTED… wonder if he’s back looting already???
 more at this link:
 In FY 2012, ICE says it removed 409,849 illegal aliens. Fifty-
 five percent of them (or 225,390) were convicted criminal 
aliens, the largest number of criminal aliens removed in 
agency history, ICE said.




 Suspected Illegal Alien Marijuana Farmers Held Workers Hostage: ICE
 MEXIFORNIA.... welcomes Mexico's DRUG CARTELS... but first register to vote DEM!

 Sheriff: MS-13 Gang Brings Machetes, Rape, Scalping to Texas


Members of the hyper-violent MS-13 transnational criminal gang are bringing severe tactics like machete-hacking murders, rape, and scalping to Texas according to the Texas Sheriff’s Association.



East Texas Child Murdered by Previously Deported Illegal Alien

 Law enforcement officials in East Texas are reporting the alleged murderer of 10-year-old Kayla Gomez-Orozco is a previously deported illegal alien from Mexico.


“While the Obama Administration downplays violence along the U.S.-Mexico border, authorities in Texas reveal that Mexican  have transformed parts of the state into a war zone where shootings, beheadings, kidnappings and murders are common.

April 19, 2017
Mexico to mejicanos: 'Tu casa' is still 'tu casa'
Most of you may have heard the expression: "Mi casa tu casa". It's the ultimate expression of hospitality in Spanish. It means my home is your home. It's often used when you visit someone's home.
Well. Mexico is changing it a bit to "tu casa tu casa", or your home is still your home.
Don't look now but Mexicans are going home and President Pena-Nieto went to the airport to greet them:      
Mexico’s president dashed to the airport to greet a planeload of deportees. 
The education minister rushed to the Texas border to meet Mexicans being kicked out of the United States. 
Mexico City’s labor secretary is urging companies to hire migrants who abruptly find themselves sent back home.
“Unlike what’s happening in the United States, this is your home,” the labor secretary, Amalia García, told deportees in the audience at a recent event for the city’s jobs programs.
For years, as the Obama administration sent back thousands of Mexicans each week -- more than two million altogether -- Mexico’s establishment barely reacted. All but invisible, the deportees were left to cope on their own with divided families, uncertain job prospects and the poverty that had pushed so many north in the first place.
Now, Mexican politicians are eagerly embracing them, portraying deportees as the embodiment of President Trump’s hostility toward their country and their people -- even though deportations of Mexican citizens actually fell in the opening months of his term.
Frankly, this is pure cosmetics.    
First, no one welcomed the millions deported by the Obama administration. No one in the Mexican political class called Obama a "racista" or "anti-mejicano".    
Instead, they said nothing publicly and went along, for whatever reason. This is not about greeting the new arrivals. This is about President Trump, the only thing that all parties in Mexico agree on.
As the article points, returning is not as easy as it sounds. The new arrivals need jobs and schools. Can Mexico provide the new arrivals with new jobs or schools? No simple answers! Why do you think they left in the first place?
Second, the real issue is the 10 or so million who are here sending funds back home. They are still sending the money, as we see in this CNN report:  
Between January and November of 2016, $24.6 billion flowed back to the pockets of Mexicans from friends and relatives living overseas, according to Mexico's central bank.
That's even higher than what Mexico earns from its oil exports -- $23.2 billion in 2015. 
And almost all of that cash comes from the U.S.
The average remittance from Mexico is about $300. 
Essentially, Mexico's most lucrative natural resource are the people who leave home.
Remittances help drive Mexico's economy, from paying for new home construction to schools, especially in low-income areas. 
The cash transfers from the U.S. have also been growing faster than wages and inflation. 
This is the group that Mexico will have a lot of trouble welcoming back. Unfortunately, Mexico has become so dependent on these billions of dollars that the only thing they can hope for is that they are legalized in the U.S. and continue the remittances.
"Tu casa tu casa"!  We will see how long that lasts!
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They claim all of North America for Mexico!