“Black
Christians should protest the Democrat party's anti-Christian agenda which has
led to the moral decay of the black community; fatherless households, gangs,
crime, generational poverty, incarceration, and record-high black on black
homicides.” LLOYD MARCUS
Blacks are only 13% of the population. White America
gifted its first black president two terms. And yet, far too many blacks
absurdly believe Democrats' and fake news media’s lie that white America did
not want a black man in the White House. If America is such a hellhole of
racism, how did Oprah Winfrey, a dark-complexioned stout black woman, become
one of the wealthiest and most influential persons on the planet? The myth of
America's racism is evil, destructive, and must end. LLOYD MARCUS
Barack
Obama’s race hustling criminal coddling set the more recent tone where state
and local law-enforcement officers were routinely attacked, accused of serial
hate-inspired killings of suspects; where civilized norms were declared the
illicit fruit of white privilege; where the epidemic of black-on-black
homicides was either ignored or blamed on unresolved racial grievances. GEOFFREY P. HUNT
She never said it
was the police, by the way (she casually refused, in an article about
police killings, to place the blame anywhere), and we know it wasn't, because
the police killed about 19 unarmed
black males in 2017, and black people killed about 2,627 — a difference of over a hundred
times. In fact, in 2018, black people
killed about 2,600 black people, and whites in general — all of us,
despite being 60% of the populace — killed only 234, more than ten times fewer. The
greatest danger to black people in America today is always other black
people. Black lives matter to Black Lives Matter only when it gives
them an excuse to attack white people. JEREMY EGERER
13% of the
population in the USA is black BUT THEY COMMIT 85% of all
violent interracial crimes, 80% of all shootings, 79% of all robberies,
59% of all murders, 52% of all violent juvenile crimes, 45% of all drug
offenses..
49% of all murder victims are black. 42% of all cop killers are black.
99% of all major riots involving property damage, looting and civil
disobedience are committed by blacks as opposed to ANY OTHER minority
in America.
93% of all
black murder victims are murdered by another black.
33% of all crimes in America are committed by 3% of the population; blacks
between the ages of 16 and 36
8% of America’s population are black men, yet they account for 40% of
America’s total prison population.
40% of
blacks are on welfare
Only 59%
blacks graduate high school (Detroit, only 20%)Over 60% of black
households have no fathers present
72% of black mothers are unwed!
Blacks
account for 38% of abortions (only 13%
of population
and contraceptives are FREE)
(STATISTICS FROM Dept. of Justice, Dept.
of
Commerce, FBI and USA Census (ALL and
sect.5
Law Enforcement))
The No. 1
cause of preventable death for young white men is
accidents,
like car accidents and drownings. The No. 1
reason for
death, preventable or otherwise for young black
men, is
homicide, almost always at the hands of another
young black
man. In 2018, there were approximately 7,400
black homicide
victims, more than half of the nation's total
number of
homicides, out of a black population of 13%. Of
that number,
the police killed a little over 200 blacks, and
nearly all of
them had a weapon or violently resisted arrest.
The Manhattan Institute's Heather
MacDonald writes: "Regarding threats to blacks from the police: A police
officer is 18.5 times more likely to be killed by a black male than an unarmed
black male is to be killed by a police officer."
Why Don’t These #BlackLivesMatter?
Black Lives Matter is a political advocacy group, “[f]ounded in
2013 in response to the acquittal of Trayvon Martin’s murderer,” according to
the group’s website. Never mind that the George Zimmerman trial was a complete fraud,
as Joel Gilbert brilliantly explained in his recent
book and movie, “The Trayvon Hoax:
Unmasking the Witness Fraud that Divided America.”
BLM is a self-described global network, which explains why
protests and riots sprang up seemingly spontaneously all over the world after
George Floyd’s death. Starting in Minneapolis, protests quickly spread to far
off locales including New
Zealand, South
Korea, and the United
Kingdom.
On their website, BLM states that they, “practice empathy.” Yet in
2017 this
happened.
A white teenager cowers in a corner, his hands bound with orange
cords and his mouth covered with tape. Four African Americans kick and hit him
and slash at his scalp. As a cellphone camera captures their blurry images and
broadcasts the ordeal on Facebook, the attackers hurl racial insults and
denounce President-elect Donald J. Trump.
As reported by the New York Times: “A hashtag linking the assault
to the Black Lives Matter movement exploded on social media.” Were the
four attackers card-carrying members of BLM? Does it matter? After all, every
police officer is a white supremacist and racist based on the actions of four
cops in Minneapolis. Generalizing can work both ways.
BLM claims these noble goals: “We embody and practice
justice, liberation, and peace in our engagements with one another.” They are,
“huided by the fact that all Black lives matter.” Do they walk the walk, or
just talk the talk?
Do the lives of Gregory Lewis, Teyonna Lofton, or Angelo Bronson
matter? These are not and never will be household names like George Floyd. The
Obama Foundation website won’t feature their faces. Michelle Obama won’t show
pictures of any of them on her Instagram
page. The justice brothers, Jesse and Al, won’t be hustling their
deaths. Benjamin Crump won’t be representing any of their families. Dr. Michael
Baden won’t be reviewing their autopsies. Members of Congress won’t take
a knee for any of them. And there
certainly won’t be widespread protests and riots over their deaths.
Why not? All three are black. Don’t their lives matter, too?
These poor souls were victims of another weekend in the killing
fields of Chicago. As the Chicago Sun Times reported: “18 murders in 24 hours: Inside the most violent day in
60 years in Chicago.” This was last weekend while millions were proclaiming
around the world that black lives matter.
“We’ve never seen anything like it, at all,” said Max Kapustin,
the senior research director at the University of Chicago Crime Lab.
Yet I don’t hear Democrats, the DNC media, woke celebrities and
athletes, or any race hustlers showing the least bit of concern. Where are the
Obamas? This carnage occurred in their home city. Will any cable news networks
be live streaming the funerals? Will Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot ban funeral
gatherings of more than ten for these individuals while encouraging gatherings
of thousands of looters on Michigan Avenue?
Why don’t these black lives matter? These aren’t simply statistics
but real
people leaving lives, dreams and families
behind.
A hardworking father killed just before 1 a.m.
A West Side high school student murdered two hours later.
A man killed amid South Side looting at a cellphone store at 12:30
p.m.
A college freshman who hoped to become a correctional officer,
gunned down at 4:25 p.m. after getting into an argument in Englewood.
Chicago was home to 653 murders in 2016, more than the total in New
York City and Los Angeles combined. Who was president in 2016? Who had eight
years to “fundamentally transform America” when he wasn’t busy lowering the sea
levels?
Interestingly CNN
reported, “Chicago's homicide rate decreases for
the third straight year.” Who has been president the past 3 years? Obviously,
CNN won’t notice that association because Orange Man Bad. In their reporting,
President Trump is a racist and white supremacist. The declining murder rate
must be due to Obama, despite it being much higher when he was in office. CNN
made the same
claims crediting Trump’s economy to
Obama.
It’s not just Chicago where black lives don’t seem to matter. Look
at the last hundred homicides in Baltimore. One only has to go back to mid-February of this year to hit the
100 mark. The race of most victims was listed as “unknown” yet 29 of the 100
were blacks.
Antwan Phillips, Jared Hill, and Tyrone Henderson were among the
victims, but no one will be wearing a T-shirt showing their names or faces.
Jesse and Al won’t be at their funerals. Nancy Pelosi won’t take a knee on
their behalf. Why don’t their lives matter?
Last January, 14 were killed by a roadside bomb in Burkina
Faso, including seven children. A week earlier, 35 people,
mostly women were killed in a terrorist attack. Did any of these black lives
matter? Where were the protests? Or kneeling? Where was Michelle Obama’s
#BringBackOurGirls hashtag she used as first lady, long before Donald Trump was a
presidential candidate?
The woke kneeling liberals sing the praises of Planned Parenthood,
founded by eugenicist Margaret Sanger whose goal was “to exterminate the Negro population.” Their abortion
clinics are disproportionately “located in ZIP codes with higher percentages of blacks
and/or Hispanics than the state’s overall percentage.”
In New York City, home to some of the worst rioting, while
blacks make up 25 percent of the NYC population, 46 percent of abortions were
black babies. Shockingly
more black babies were killed by abortion in NYC than were born
alive. By contrast, Whites make up 44 percent of the NYC population but only
account for 12 percent of abortions. Why don’t the lives of aborted black
babies matter?
Will these protests cause a surge in Chinese coronavirus cases?
Where are the protests occurring and who will be most affected? According
to CNN,
Black Americans represent 13.4% of the American population,
according to the US Census Bureau, but counties with higher black populations
account for more than half of all Covid-19 cases and almost 60% of deaths, the
study found.
Social justice warriors are happy to congregate in urban areas,
ignoring the social distancing and mask mandates that the rest of us have been
clubbed with for the past three months, potentially spreading the Wuhan virus
to blacks, many of whom live in the protest zones. It is almost as bad as
protesting in a nursing home. Don’t those black lives matter?
Liberal do-gooders are hijacking George Floyd’s death for their
personal quest for power, money, and furthering their Marxist agenda. From
defunding police departments to saying, “Some white people may have to die”, as
a University of Georgia graduate student recommended.
If black lives truly mattered, there would be calls for more
school choice and fewer abortions, more emphasis on intact nuclear families and
less on reparations for events hundreds of years ago. But those are not part of
the BLM political platform, contradicting their supposed message.
From a true advocate for social justice, Martin
Luther King, Jr, “We must learn to live
together as brothers or perish together as fools.” If black lives truly
mattered, that would be the emphasis of BLM and their liberal sycophants.
Otherwise America will become a balkanized country, populated by fools who let
our once shining city on a hill crumble into the ash heap of ruin.
Brian C. Joondeph, M.D., is a
Denver-based physician and freelance writer whose pieces have appeared in
American Thinker, Daily Caller, Rasmussen Reports, and other publications.
Follow him on Facebook, LinkedIn, Twitter,
and QuodVerum.
EYE ON THE NEWS
Racism Is An Empty Thesis
An African-American professor
says that blacks hold their fate in their own hands.
June 11, 2020
The
Social Order
Loury: Blacks make up an average of around 40
percent
of inmates in prisons and jails, but they
make up
no more than 15 percent of the
population.
If you look at the statistics, there is no
evidence
to support the hypothesis that this
overrepresentation
can be explained by racist
prejudices
of the police or the courts. Rather, the
numbers
show that this is due to an
overrepresentation
of blacks who violate the law.
Turmoil
in the United States over police violence is the result of a distorted
representation of the problem, says Brown University economist Glenn C. Loury.
According to Loury, an African-American, the “empty thesis of racism” distracts
us from the real problems of black Americans. Below is an edited and translated
conversation that Loury had with Peter Winkler, U.S. correspondent for the
Swiss daily newspaper Neue
Zuercher Zeitung (NZZ).
Peter Winkler: Professor Loury, hundreds of thousands of people in
American cities have been protesting that police treat black people more
harshly than other populations. The reason, they say, is systemic racism. What
do you think?
Glenn Loury: This is a representation that has developed a life of
its own. The claim is: the police are hunting black people, black people are at
risk, there is an epidemic of violence against black people—unarmed, innocent
black people.
There is
a problem, but I think its scale is exaggerated. There are approximately 330
million people in the United States, and there are many tens of thousands of
encounters between citizens and the police every day. We take half a dozen,
maybe a dozen, admittedly outrageous, disturbing incidents of police violence,
and we form this into a general account of how people are treated. I think
that’s dangerous.
Winkler: But wasn’t the incident in Minneapolis extraordinary in its
nonchalant brutality?
Loury: I don’t want to understate it: the case is terrible. It is
difficult to look at the images. There was nothing good about it; it’s
certainly not good policing. But you still don’t know what exactly happened.
This requires an in-depth investigation. Even so, people have started to call
it a lynching, and to say that it characterizes the nature of racial
relationships in America today. This is a kind of collective hysteria.
I am
aware that millions of people are horrified by what they see as systemic racism
in this case. But I repeat: I am waiting for the investigation to be completed.
This applies to all such incidents. That they happen is nothing to dismiss, but
I deny that these incidents are representative of the everyday experience of
African-Americans.
I am a
contrarian, and I have refused to follow the mob opinion that led to the recent
turmoil. And I’m also convinced that this is about more than what happened to
George Floyd. That event was a catalyst, and I hope we can finally talk about
the broader framework and the circumstances in which racial charges are made in
the United States.
Winkler: Even a superficial look at the statistics confirms that
there are more confrontations, including violent ones, between blacks and the
police. Isn’t that evidence of racist prejudice?
Loury: Not necessarily. Every year, more whites than blacks are
shot by the police in the U.S. But it is true that the number of blacks killed
by police, relative to population, is higher. However, the problem of police
violence affects all ethnic groups.
Moreover,
the likelihood that an individual will come into conflict with the police
depends on the frequency with which that individual behaves in a manner that
attracts police attention. Criminal behavior is not equally distributed across
all population groups. African-Americans are overrepresented in prison because
they commit more acts that can be punished with prison.
Winkler: Can you elaborate?
Loury: Blacks make up an average of around 40
percent
of inmates in prisons and jails, but they
make up
no more than 15 percent of the
population.
If you look at the statistics, there is no
evidence
to support the hypothesis that this
overrepresentation
can be explained by racist
prejudices
of the police or the courts. Rather, the
numbers
show that this is due to an
overrepresentation
of blacks who violate the law.
It’s
legitimate to ask why black men commit more crimes than whites. But it is a
fact that they commit massively more homicides; almost 50 percent of homicides,
while representing maybe 6 percent or 7 percent of the U.S. population. Or
consider robbery: many more whites are victimized by blacks than vice versa,
speaking in absolute numbers, not per capita.
Part of
the reason why the police have had so many difficult encounters with black
people is because the crime rate in black areas is much higher. For example: If
the police want to arrest a driver in a black neighborhood, they must be
prepared for the possibility that the driver might have a gun on him.
Statistically speaking, this is generally not the case—but experience has shown
the likelihood that such a dangerous situation will arise is higher in black
areas.
Winkler: But you yourself admit that what happened in Minneapolis was
bad police work. Is anger at the police understandable?
Loury: The main threat to the quality of life of people living in
black areas is the criminal behavior of their fellow citizens, most of whom
happen to be black. Black people in American cities are victims of rape,
robbery, and murder to a very significant degree, and the perpetrators are
almost always black. The protection of life and property is the most important
task of the state, and many African-Americans cannot feel safe in their homes.
The police are part of the solution to this problem. Black people need the
police more than other people do.
Of
course, the police must treat all citizens with respect. Racist officers must
be disciplined and fired. I don’t want to apologize for anything here: bad
policing is bad policing, and you have to do something about it. But depriving
the police of resources, making them an enemy, vilifying them, violently
assaulting them, or hindering them when they are trying to arrest someone who
committed a crime is destructive to black communities. Blacks would suffer the
most if police pulled out of their neighborhoods.
Winkler: So you would say that African-Americans just have to take
responsibility, get their act together—and then things will get better?
Loury: I wouldn’t say it in these words, though I think that’s true
in a way. But if we just tell black people: “Get it together and everything
will be fine!”, that would be a crude and ineffective way to start a
conversation.
I don’t
know the situation in Switzerland, but I assume that there is no racism there;
and that Germany and France are flawless, too. I’m being sarcastic, of course.
What I want to say is this: racism is a fact of human culture. Racism is also a
fact in the United States. But the nature of formal legislation and informal
social custom on racial matters has changed radically in America over the past
50 years. I’m 72 years old, and I know what things were like in the 1950s and
1960s. The United States has become a completely different country.
Whites
can lose their jobs today if they talk to blacks in the wrong tone.
Institutions at all levels of government work full-time against racism. Every
university and major corporation has a powerful executive position that
monitors and strives for diversity and inclusion. Affirmative-action measures
have even penetrated Silicon Valley.
Yes,
racism is real, but as a crucial factor that enables or prevents social
advancement, it has lost a lot of force in the past half century. I am sure
that there are deep-seated inequality problems in America that affect everyone,
and black people in particular. Some are institutional, but many have to do
with the culture and behavior of black people themselves. I’m talking about
lack of educational achievement, and about the higher crime rate; I’m talking
about the collapse of the black family. Seven out of ten black children are
born outside of marriage. It is a plausible surmise that households where a
mother is present, but no father, are more likely to produce adolescent males
with behavioral problems.
People
are frustrated that conventional political solutions, such as expanding
anti-discrimination and welfare programs, have not worked. That’s why they take
refuge in the empty thesis of racism. They speak of 1619, when the first blacks
landed in America, and they speak of slavery, which was abolished more than 150
years ago. They talk of “centuries of oppression.” But, they don’t talk about
how the social condition of blacks in America well may have been healthier in
1950 than it is today—the integrity of family structure, the level of the crime
rate, the relationship to work of the poorly educated, and the values with
which many children are raised. Summarized in one sentence: racism exists, of
course, but it does not sufficiently explain what is going on here.
Winkler: Then what does explain it?
Loury: We need to focus much more on the means through which people
acquire the techniques, skills, and behaviors that make them productive members
of society. I call that development. It can be about education but also about
behavioral, emotional, psychological, and social development. You learn
restraint, patience, postponing reward, and things like that. When I look at
statistics and find high rates of school failure, the low percentage of blacks
in the professions—lawyer, doctor, engineer, or scientist—when I see the high
rate of criminality and violence that is endemic in black communities, I see a
failure in development, in people reaching their full human potential.
Please
understand, that’s not just a question of mistakes or poor choices by these
individuals or their families. It’s also about schools that are far less good
in areas where many black people live. It is undoubtedly partly related to
discrimination and the legacy of that discrimination. Blacks, for example,
started with significantly less wealth.
Still,
it’s a common mistake to think that we are still in the middle of the twentieth
century and that the decisive obstacle to the successful inclusion of blacks in
society is racial prejudice. Many people insist that we debate racism, face the
injustices of history, and so on. Instead, they should be looking at our
children and asking: Can they do math? Can they read a text and understand it?
Can they cooperatively get involved in social groups? And when I see that this
is sadly not the case with many black children, I believe I am seeing not
simply “racism,” but something that is more specific and that is remediable—the
obviously insufficient development of their human potential.
We find
that immigrants, wherever they come from, have much better success rates than
certain African-Americans. One of the main reasons for this is that these
groups arrive here with a different culture; they have different,
value-oriented expectations of the behavior of their fellows.
Winkler: Are you talking about the fact that violence is sometimes
glorified in African-American culture—for example, in certain music styles?
Loury: No, that’s not what I mean. What I mean is: How much am I
willing to sacrifice so that my children get the support they need to develop
the skills that will help them succeed? It’s also about which values are
respected in the social environment and which are not. And violence—that’s
culture, too, the willingness to kill, which is astronomical in certain
African-American communities. I’m not referring to the entirety of black
Americans, but to some black enclaves in big cities.
How many
black people start their own businesses? Is it utopian for me to imagine that
the income and wealth gap between blacks and other groups would be more quickly
closed by more blacks starting their own businesses than by demanding
reparations for slavery?
Winkler: Some banks have announced that they will make larger amounts
available as loans for business start-ups, especially from African-Americans.
Would that be the better approach?
Loury: If the people to whom this is directed are able to benefit
from such offers, I think so.
Winkler: Would you admit, however, that there is a correlation
between cultural incentives and the very painful history of African-Americans?
Loury: It would be foolish to suggest that the history of slavery
and the long years of oppression that followed are unrelated to the current
traits of African-American society. We are all, to some extent, products of our
history.
I also
don’t want to give the impression that I’m castigating those affected by these
cultural issues. I’m not saying, “This is all your fault!” On the contrary, I
insist that society as a whole is at some level responsible even for the
unfavorable behavior patterns in some black communities. These communities are
the product of historical dynamics of American society. But again: I don’t
think that fact of historical influence is very relevant to the challenges
black people face today.
If anyone
wants to blame the history of racism as the culprit for the failures of modern
black society in the United States, go ahead. I won’t argue the point. But I
insist that, despite everything, we African-Americans are free actors who can
shape our lives according to our ideas and convictions. We are not determined
by the weight of historical disadvantage. That disadvantage was real and to
some extent remains an obstacle, but it is not our fate. Our fate is not fixed
by the fact that our ancestors were enslaved, or that racism still exists. Our
fate is in our hands. One can believe this—indeed, if we are ever to enjoy
equal dignity in this society, black people must believe this, I would
hold—even while also recognizing that what we see today is in part a product of
our past.
Winkler: Your ideas go against arguments that are currently very
popular. In fact, the apparent consensus about racial guilt makes me slightly
suspicious. What do you think?
Loury: I think we do not live in a really free space where we can
discuss these questions. Pressure to conform is intense because nobody wants to
give the impression that they stand on the wrong side of the great moral
questions of our time. Ironically, this reticence undermines the possibility of
genuine and effective moral reasoning. Instead, everyone follows the other,
spouting platitudes, as in a herd. Everyone wants to underline their virtue by
showing the world: I stand for “justice” and against “racism.” Part of it is
simply a tacit agreement about what a truly virtuous person simply does and
does not say—which we can also call political correctness.
To make
matters worse, real racists still exist in America—people convinced of the
superiority of whites and the inferiority of blacks. They believe that the
problems we are discussing are proof of supposed black inferiority. Though this
is a small minority, these voices do exist, and when you make arguments such as
I am doing here, you want to avoid being connected to them or strengthening
them in any way.
Because
you want as much space as possible between yourself and real racists, you are
tempted to avoid hot-button debates about black crime or related topics.
Because racists say that black crime is terrible, you are afraid even to
address the issue and admit that it may be part of the problem. For example,
you are afraid to say that in certain cities police officers fear young black
men because those men are too often armed and known to be willing to use their
weapons. These are facts—but you are afraid to acknowledge them because these
are exactly the things that white racists also say. So you’d rather be silent.
And that gets us nowhere—or rather, it gets us to where we are today.
No comments:
Post a Comment