THE DOCTRINE OF THE N.A.F.T.A. GLOBALIST DEMOCRATS IS TO SERVE THE BILLIONAIRE CLASS WITH ENDLESS WAVES OF INVADING 'CHEAP' LABOR SUBSIDIZED WITH WELFARE FUNDED BY TAXES ON MIDDLE AMERICA.
In many speeches, Mayorkas says he is building a mass migration system to deliver workers to wealthy employers and investors and “equity” to poor foreigners. The nation’s border laws are subordinate to elites’ opinion about “the values of our country,” Mayorkas claims.
Monday, November 30, 2020
AMERICA'S OPEN BORDERS AGENDA - JOE BIDEN PROMISES HIGH TECH BILLIONAIRE DONORS MORE 'CHEAP' LABOR TO TAKE AMERICAN JOBS
OPEN BORDERS
AND A NATION FLOODED WITH ‘CHEAP’ LABOR
Former Vice
President Joe Biden will nominate Alejandro Mayorkas to run the Department of
Homeland Security (DHS), despite his role in creating huge Latin American
migration and his involvement in several visas-for-sale scandals.
JOE BIDEN SAYS MUCK PROGRESSIVES, I MADE MY DIRTY MONEY SERVING
WALL STREET!
“Hauser also didn’t like the prevalence of Big Law talent on the
Department of Justice team, which signaled to him that the Biden administration
could go soft on corporate malefactors.”
“Joe Biden’s transition is absolutely stacked with tech industry
players,” noted Protocol, an online publication
that covers technology.”
“He was presumably referring to the two dozen agency review team
officials who come from law firms like Arnold & Porter. Or to the 40
or so members of the Biden transition who are current or recent lobbyists.”
Business groups are already pushing GOP Senators to approve Alejandro Mayorkas as Joe Biden’s homeland security secretary.
The group is touting Mayorkas’ confirmation as support for “Dreamers” — the younger migrants illegally brought into the United States before 2007.
But if the GOP blocks Mayorkas from getting the top job at the Department of Homeland Security, the defeat will demonstrate broad opposition to the low-wage, high-profit economy favored by Mayorkas and his amnesty supporters, and by many of Biden’s deputies and pro-migration donors.
The November 30 letter by roughly 100 business groups and companies said:
This important and welcomed selection by President-elect Biden signals his commitment to protecting Dreamers, and we look forward to working with his administration on common sense proposals that will provide legal certainty for Dreamers and avoid significant disruptions to the American workforce and economy.
The pro-Mayorkas coalition describes itself as the “Coalition for the American Dream.” It includes many companies that have outsourced white-collar jobs to India’s visa workers, as well as companies that gain when a flood of migrant labor prevents a wage-boosting shortage of American workers.
The members include the National Association of Manufacturers, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Marriott International, Amazon, Cisco, the National Milk Producers Federation, Microsoft, Ikea, Google, Facebook, Doordash, and the National Retail Federation.
The group is backed by FWD.us, an advocacy group created by Mark Zuckerberg and other investors. The group was founded in 2013 to expand the federal government’s economic policy of importing cheap immigrant labor and welfare-aided immigrant consumers.
The Democrats are backing Mayorkas, even though there is minimal public support — and declining Democratic support — for cheap labor immigration policies. Just 19 percent of all voters support the establishment’s preference for importing foreign workers, and 66 percent prefer the populist demand for “businesses to raise [Americans’] pay and try harder to recruit non-working Americans,” according to Rasmussen Reports.
Under Trump’s reduced immigration policies, median household income jumped seven percent in 2019. Also, Trump’s populist policies helped create a huge GOP turnout in 2020, so boosting GOP seats in the House and blocking Democrat gains in state legislatures.
The business groups know their cheap labor agenda is unpopular and a threat to politicians’ reelection.
So their three-cornered strategy is to rush the amnesty through Congress as an early win for Biden, to rationalize the amnesty as a quick boost for the national economy (but not for individual workers), and to stigmatize the public opposition by insisting the amnesty repays a moral debt to illegal migrants.
“One of the things we all experienced during [the tenure of President Barack Obama] was that immigration was pushed for later,” according to Alida Garcia, the vice president of advocacy for the investors at FWD.us. “The later you go, the harder everything gets because [legislators] people prioritize their own reelection,” she told CNN for a November 29 article.
“This is a must-prioritize now as both an economic driver for this nation that is dealing with a crisis. … And a moral driver after the harm that’s been done to immigrants by the Trump administration,” Garcia told CNN.
Mayorkas’ nomination will be reviewed by the Senate’s homeland defense committee, likely chaired by Sen. Rob Portman, R-Ohio.
Portman is up for reelection in 2022. and voted against Mayorkas in 2013. The other GOP members include Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky.; James Lankford, R-Okla; Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah; Sen Mike Enzi, R-Wyo.; Rick Scott, R-Fla.; and Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo.
Mayorkas’ questionable record includes several visas-for-sale scandals, the disregard of migrant fraud, and his encouragement of the huge migration of Latin American migrants into U.S. jobs and neighborhoods.
Joe Biden's pick to run the DHS immigration agency – Alejandro Mayorkas – is a political gift for the GOP, says Jessica Vaughan at CIS: "Cronyism, corruption, swampiness, and the immigration issue."https://t.co/859b16NhN4
Joe Biden’s Allies Warn of Blue-Collar Migrant Invasion
Former Vice President Joe Biden’s pro-migration policies are inviting another blue-collar migration flood across the southern border, say his Democrat allies.
Biden has promised to reverse many of President Donald Trump’s pro-American policies, but “if Biden hits reverse too hard, it could cost him politically,” read a November 24 column by Noah Smith, a pro-migration columnist for Bloomberg:
In economic terms, a few hundred thousand Central American migrants will do little to hurt the U.S., but their presence will rile up law-and-order voters who bristle at the notion of people crossing the border illegally or skipping out on asylum hearings. That could hurt Biden with constituencies like Hispanic voters who live in the Texas border counties that swung hard to Trump in 2020.
“There are very real risks that sudden changes in policy could generate a surge of unauthorized migration: Recent experience has taught us that changing U.S. policies sends powerful signals to would-be migrants — and to their smugglers,” says a November 17 article by Andrew Selee, the president of the pro-migration Migration Policy Institute.
“I don’t think they’re going to be able to stop that,” said Jessica Vaughan, at the Center for Immigration Studies, which favors curbs on migration.
For example, she said, Biden has selected Alejandro Mayorkas to run the immigration system, despite Mayorkas’ role under President Barack Obama in welcoming migrants and triggering Obama’s huge Latin American migration that Trump finally stopped in early 2020.
Mayorkas will have a hard time deterring migration because millions of migrants — and their coyotes — know he wants to let them into jobs in the United States, Vaughan told Breitbart News on November 23. For example, Mayorkas pressured immigration officials to ignore fraud and to rubber-stamp migrants’ applications, she said, adding, “He said that [immigration] officers who refused applicants have black spots on their hearts and that they’re doing something wrong, and should be approving all these applications.”
The migration pressure will grow once coronavirus vaccinations allow Mexico and other regional countries to permit movement, warned Joseph Chamie, a population expert and a former director of the United Nations Population Division. He wrote on November 19 in TheHill.com:
Whether you’re for it, against it or indifferent about it, the migration surge is coming. Millions of men, women and children in developing countries are desperately seeking to emigrate to escape poverty, hunger, unemployment, violence, crime, human rights abuse, and environmental crises.
…
With the incoming government’s proposed changes to immigration policies, especially with respect to asylum seekers, undocumented migrants, migrating families and unaccompanied minors, a big migration inflow along the U.S southern border should not come as a surprise.
The coming surge of migrants can be expected to overwhelm immigration systems, including border control, security vetting, the courts, legal representation, medical clearance, shelter and quarantine facilities and operating costs. Particularly challenging for the authorities is deciding on how best to deal with migrating family units, unaccompanied minors and asylum seekers.
Biden will try to chart a course between his many pro-migration allies — including the many millions of foreigners who want to get into the United States — and millions of worried swing-voters, according to Smith.
Smith — who accepts the claim that Biden sincerely tried to exclude migrants when he was serving as vice-president — wrote November 24 that Biden:
will probably try to accept asylum seekers from Central America at a slow and ordered pace. Detention will probably persist, in a much more humane form. And Biden may even negotiate new, though less rigid, agreements to keep some asylum seekers at home as the administration tries to improve living conditions in those countries.
But the Democrats are eager to welcome more migrants, said Vaughan, and they know how to hide that unpopular welcome under loud promises to fix a “broken immigration system”:
Many people like to complain about an immigration system that is supposedly “broken,” but it’s not broken at all when someone like Mayorkas is at the helm and can [annually] wave in more than a million legal immigrants, nearly a million guest workers, and crank out a million work permits. That’s not broken — that’s working pretty well if what you want is unlimited immigration.
Under Obama and Biden, administration officials carefully opened many small and hard-to-see loopholes in the border — and disarmed border agencies with many other regulations. That covert policy gradually and deliberately let millions of blue-collar Latin Americans into the United States, so boosting business allies.
But the inevitable pressure from millions of would-be migrants flooded their stealthy pro-migration policies, causing a popular pushback in 2014 that set the stage for Trump’s surprise jump into presidential politics.
Like other white-collar pro-migration activists, Selee’s favored solution to the migration problem is to make it legal, regardless of the predictable impact on blue-collar Americans.
He would expand the legal inflow of foreign workers, asylum seekers, and refugees that will cut blue-collar wages and raise blue-collar housing prices, saying:
First and foremost, this new [migration] architecture needs to include some sort of labor pathway for Central Americans to do seasonal work in the United States.
…
identifying those in danger in their home countries either for protection in-country or for resettlement as refugees in the United States and other countries, efforts that are done on a small scale already but could be vastly expanded with the right attention and resources.
“[A] Biden administration can transition towards a new migration management architecture that creates opportunities for seasonal work and humanitarian protection, while investing in a better future for the region as a whole,” Selee concluded.
Rasmussen shows that some post-Trump Biden voters are feeling freer to protect blue-collar Americans from cheap-labor migration. That's decent, but it may not matter if legislators think those Biden voters can be pushed to back pro-amnesty Dems in 2022. https://t.co/VSPGVnkDim
These are the processes by which a minority of the temporary workers move onto permanent status (PERM), and the three temporary worker programs for skilled workers (H-1B), for farm workers (H-2A), and for non-ag, unskilled workers, often landscapers (H-2B).
While largely written in the careful — color it grey — terminology of government reports, this one includes these sentences on its third page: "The PERM program relentlessly has employers not complying with the qualifying criteria. Therefore, the PERM and H-1B programs remain highly susceptible to fraud." (Emphasis added.)
The use of these vigorous adverbs is indicative of the tone of the whole report, a welcome development.
The report has a number of solid recommendations that can, apparently, be implemented without legislation. One of them relates to a DoL decision of several years ago to accept attestations of wages and working conditions without documenting them in many cases. When documentation was required, it brought about a tighter program. For instance, on p. 6:
As a result of supporting documentation needed to verify the information on the PERM application, ETA [the Employment and Training Administration] was able to deny 21 percent of the PERM applications compared to the 3 percent of the applications denied through reviews without supporting documentation.
As an example of fraud in the PERM program, which can be avoided through demands for documentation, the report cited this on p. 9:
For example, a Virginia-based attorney prepared and submitted fraudulent applications for permanent employment certification to DOL on behalf of foreign nationals in exchange for a fee: approximately $7,500 if the foreign national already had a sponsor, and approximately $65,000 if a fraudulent sponsor needed to be arranged.
The report (p. 18) also dinged the department for the planning of site visits in the H-2A program; when it used a random sampling approach it found violations 21 percent of the time, but when they were "Agency directed" (presumably related to tips) they found violations in 67 percent of the cases, as the figure below shows.
The report made this observation about the H-1B program:
As long as H-1B applications are complete and free of obvious errors or inaccuracies, ETA's role continues to be limited to simply rubber-stamping during the application certification process (previously reported).
"Previously reported" indicates that the IG noted this problem in an earlier report, but that its recommendation has been ignored by the department.
The IG explained that it had reviewed four of the department's six foreign worker programs; deleted from the list were the D-1 crewmembers program (for aliens involved with ships or planes) on the sensible grounds that it had only 24 applications since 2012, and the CW-1 Transitional Worker program in the Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas, on the basis of its recency — it went into effect on April 4, 2019. That program, given what we know about the extensive use and abuse of foreign workers in the Marianas, should be high on the IG's current "to do" list.
Caveats. While the new IG report is blessing, generally, there are two mild grumbles.
In the first place, the report deals with the four programs as largely DoL operations, when, in fact, two other cabinet agencies are heavily involved, the Departments of Homeland Security and State. DHS also has responsibilities as to who gets these jobs, including the lottery system by which they are distributed when there are more applications than the ceilings allow, and State is supposed to make sure that the individual workers are qualified for visas. The roles of the other agencies are barely mentioned
For example, the report notes that DoL deals with the odd fact that labor certification applications for the H-1B program do not even include the names of the workers to be hired; this is true, but the other two departments do have these names when H-1B decisions are made. In other words, there is a (perhaps inevitable) silo problem here.
Secondly, the report deals with the four programs — PERM, H-1B, H-2A, and H-2B — in neither an alphabetical order nor one based on the size of the programs. Were the latter arrangement to be used, the sequence (and the implied significance) would be as shown in the table below.
Foreign Worker Programs Administered by the U.S. Department of Labor
Program Title
Worker Population Defined
Numbers
H-1B
Highly skilled, temporary
About 100,000 new admissions a year; total H-1B workforce about 600,000
H-2A
Farm workers, temporary
204,000 visas in 2019, most work for six months, no ceiling
H-2B
Non-ag, non-skilled, temporary
66,000 annual ceiling, often breached by government decisions
PERM
Primarily temporary (largely H-1B) workers made permanent resident aliens
54,290 workers (mostly adjustments) in 2017, a typical year, plus 64,184 dependents
Sources: H-1B, CIS estimates; H-2A, Cato Institute; H-2B, CIS estimates; PERM, Table 7, 2017 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
By the way, the IG does not deal with the size of these programs, only how they should be regulated.
The PERM program is really not part of an initial screening process. Most of the workers involved are not new to the country; they have been doing this work for these employers for years, if not decades, usually as H-1Bs. What is happening to them in PERM, and this is a slow process, is that they are being converted from temporary to permanent status. The jobs they hold currently have long since been taken away from the U.S. labor force.
OLIGARCHY – BILLIONAIRES,
BANKSTERS AND BAILOUTS
Biden’s Chief of Staff
Worked on Behalf of Big Tech for Endless H-1B Visas
“Joe Biden’s transition is absolutely stacked with tech industry
players,” noted Protocol, an online publication that
covers technology.
Hauser also didn’t like the prevalence of Big Law talent on the
Department of Justice team, which signaled to him that the Biden administration
could go soft on corporate malefactors.
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