A middleman like that would not last very long in the world of drug traffic, yet we’ve tolerated it in drug policy for decades. That the extradition and trial of El Chapo Guzmán—the signal achievement of U.S. drug policy over the last twenty years—did nothing to curb illegal drug supply. In fact, we have acclimated ourselves so thoroughly to the drug war’s failure that none was even suggested.
Why the U.S. Should Use Trade Policy to Stem Illicit Drug Imports
The “War on Drugs” is a failure, but we still need to stop the flood of illegal imports like fentanyl. We used to stop the drug flow through trade negotiations. It can work again.
This spring, the new U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai acknowledged the obvious: Trade deals present negotiators with an opportunity to combat global warming. Incorporating emission reductions into these talks is a position long advocated by many environmentalists, who point out that global trade fuels and exacerbates climate change. What Tai didn’t say is that global trade also deeply affects the traffic in illegal drugs to the United States.
For decades, the American government has waged a “war on drugs,” to no avail. It may be that something as simple as trade presents the superior tool to achieve the common-sense goals of drug policy.
Actually, Congress used trade to pursue such goals in the decades before 1956, at which point heroin was declared contraband. The Controlled Substances Act of 1970 extended the prohibition of heroin to other “Schedule I” substances deemed to offer no medical value, such as cocaine and marijuana. This statute, best known for enshrining drug prohibition at home, also ratified the United Nations Single Convention, a treaty mandating that all signatories prohibit these same drugs in their own countries.
Since that time, the global regime of drug prohibition set in place by the Controlled Substances Act has utterly failed. We stand in the midst of the most lethal drug crisis in U.S. history, and the deluge of illegal drugs only grows worse. Despite the money and manpower invested in prohibition, today heroin—to take one important example—is more potent and more plentiful than ever. Worse yet, heroin is often adulterated, or totally displaced, by stronger chemical cousins such as fentanyl.
Global drug prohibition is not simply futile; it is a failure, rich in incentives for the wrong things. Traffickers over-produce supply to compensate for interdiction; they increase potency to keep a product competitive as middlemen dilute their shipments. Each law enforcement operation coaches drug dealers on how to evade detection or avoid more serious charges; every high-profile arrest and extradition persuades other traffickers to invest more in bribes to public officials.
Yet none of the drug reformers who catalogue these appalling failures offer an alternative proposal to curtail illegal drug supply. Instead, to explain the staggering number of drug overdose deaths in the U. S., they point to the hardship that drives what economists Anne Case and Angus Deaton call the “deaths of despair.” Though essential, this demand-focused analysis is inadequate unless it covers supply. The work of economist Christopher Ruhm is particularly important to consider. He demonstrates that, although crippling economic conditions prevail in many places, overdose deaths concentrate most where dangerous opioids do. To reduce overdose fatalities, we must reckon with an inescapable fact: drug supply matters.
You would not know it to listen to prohibitionists, who seem content to live with abject failure on the matter of supply—provided we acknowledge that, in theory, they strive for something else. Stuck between the inertia of the drug war and an incomplete vision for its reform, mainstream politicians and Washington think tanks devote no discernable effort to crafting alternative tactics to manage illegal drug supply.
Donald Trump shrewdly capitalized on this silence from the political establishment, tying his support for a successor to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to Mexico’s willingness to “do much more on stopping drugs from pouring into the U.S.” True to form, Trump never did more than talk. As the Senate Finance Committee put it, Trump “did not follow through on his threat” to condition NAFTA renewal on a reduction in illegal drugs, though they went on to note that his gambit made the U.S. a “less reliable trading partner in the eyes of many nations.” But the Senators upbraiding the former president might be surprised to find that trade, not punishment, was once the standard for U.S. drug policy.
Before widespread use of the federal income tax, calibrating the tariff, the major source of revenue for the federal government, was a cornerstone of partisan alignment. Tariff hearings sometimes attracted hundreds of public witnesses. In 1930, Chairman Willis Hawley registered (and heard) over one thousand—the initial stage in crafting the famous Smoot-Hawley tariff, signed into law by President Herbert Hoover later that year. Hawley’s crowded hearing room carried with it a recognition that trade policy was not solely the preserve of financial elites; it also shaped the lives of millions of ordinary Americans.
Not surprisingly, tariffs and trade played an outsized role in the formulation of early drug policy. These interventions typically took the form of a quota, where shipments counted were capped, then tracked via a tax collected (and stamped) all along the points of distribution, up until the product’s end-user. This provided authorities with a paper trail to inspect to ensure the legality of any particular package. Congress opted for this regulatory approach because its power to tax structured many federal policies, but more so, when it came to the drugs at issue—opium or its derivatives, or cocaine—because the finished product relied upon imported raw materials. Simply put: Drugs were a trade, and it made sense to treat them as such.
Narcotics import policy was often negotiated in the context of a dedicated global conference. Absent a relevant round of negotiations, sometimes a change to drug policy was tacked onto tariff legislation. Congress propped up its most important drug policies as stand-alone tax-and-tariff legislation (the 1914 Harrison Narcotics Act; the 1922 Narcotic Drug Import and Export Act). With these tools, lawmakers hoped to contract the supply of these drugs to only that which was medically necessary.
Surprisingly, the United States sometimes relied on trade policy to implement non-financial aspects of its drug policy—as in 1947, when it threatened to cease pharmaceutical exports to Cuba if the government there failed to expel notorious organized crime kingpin Lucky Luciano who used the island nationas a platform for organized crime. Luciano was sent packing the next day.
Surveying this pre-prohibition history, we don’t need to call a thousand public witnesses to tell us that trade matters. It was predictable that NAFTA, which loosened trade restrictions,would usher in a record heroin supply. Likewise, it was inevitable that prohibition would spawn an entrenched and sophisticated underground drug network from seed to sale. Markets carry opportunities, not all of them welcome; they also come with costs.
That said, a lucrative underground economy hosting violent criminal networks presents a substantially different policy target than the drug companies against which the policymakers of the pre-prohibition era squared off. Nevertheless, drug traffic is still first and foremost a trade. That’s how supply should be conceptualized, and the context in which it should be handled.
Any trade talks with a source country, like Mexico or China, should set drug supply reduction goals, along the same lines as environmentalists urge that these negotiations incorporate emission reductions. These should be scaled, graduating over time. Reductions should not be measured by attempting drug interdiction at the border, because all this does is encourage suppliers to produce more, as well as provide an incentive to bribe border officials (a non-trivial problem). Instead, to measure progress, American policymakers should look to the price and potency of drugs on the street, first and foremost in those places ravaged by overdose deaths.
Failure to meet reduction goals would invoke trade penalties, either in the form of additional tariffs on imports—or, in dire instances like the case of Lucky Luciano, withholding of exports.
In theory, this approach mirrors the activism of the environmental groups on trade negotiations over the course of the past decade. The inclusion of climate change policy objectives in trade negotiations can be characterized in familiar terms: rewards and punishment, or carrots and sticks. For example, the Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement eliminates tariffs for items known to benefit the environment, so-called “green” goods, services, or technologies. Less frequently, agreements contain measures to “discipline” or penalize fossil-fuel subsidies. The vibrant debate among academics regarding whether and how best to use trade levers to tame global emissions simply has no parallel in the drug policy discussion, but it should.
Applying these same tools to drug policy allows negotiators to vestthe “winners” of global trade in any given source-country to care more about the cost of their success—in effect, deputizing an influential set of ambassadors to pursue reform in their own country, using the power already at their disposal.
In terms of the global traffic in illegal drugs, the seismic shift here involves replacing guns and badges with calculators and economists, and American-dictated policy compliance for a source-country’s own initiative. Even more important, it entails moving from output or procedurally-focused drug policy to one premised on outcomes that matter: price and potency, the truest reflection of the amount of supply in circulation.
One of the most damning features of prohibition is its inability to affect, let alone reorient itself to, exactly these measures. Drug prohibition is a procedural tool, a means to an end. As such, it is remarkably bad one: not unlike a greedy and unskilled drug dealer, taking more than his cut, while idling in his duties. A middleman like that would not last very long in the world of drug traffic, yet we’ve tolerated it in drug policy for decades. That the extradition and trial of El Chapo Guzmán—the signal achievement of U.S. drug policy over the last twenty years—did nothing to curb illegal drug supply. In fact, we have acclimated ourselves so thoroughly to the drug war’s failure that none was even suggested.
Using trade, we change the focus from performative outputs to meaningful outcomes. For ordinary Americans, the real enemyis Guzmán’s business, as opposed to Guzmánthe man, and its true nemesis is not the DEA in partnership with the Mexican military, but a methodical trade negotiator armed with data.
Such demands at the negotiating table could be construed as heavy-handed, to say nothing of the obvious limits to this approach. It’s difficult to prod China when Beijing holds more than $1 trillion in U.S. debt. In any given trade relationship, the U.S. cannot assume that it holds unilateral advantage, nor should any country be approached as supplicant.
But trade talks with source countries (or important transit countries in Central America) furnish a more iterative and targeted set of instruments than military and law enforcement action. It is the war on drugs—in many ways, a relic of the Cold War—that assumes or requires a posture of fealty from our partners. Prior to World War II, during a more multilateral era when the U.S. was one power jostling with others, American drug policy relied on taxes and tariffs, not crime and punishment. And so, it should again
It follows that the necessary partner to such efforts is the decriminalization of possession of illegal drugs, harm reduction policies like needle exchange, and the shift away from the police and prison in favor of the doctor’s office and evidence-based treatment.
It should also be anticipated that, if the U. S. were to wield the tools of trade to achieve trade-related policy objectives, others would respond in kind. For example, the Mexican government might ask corn farmers enriched by NAFTA and its successors to regard the smuggling of guns to Mexico as among their most important concerns. From the perspective of a Washington establishment accustomed to controlling the political agenda, this might be construed as a problem. From nearly any other perspective, it would be welcomed as an advance.
Finally, and somewhat paradoxically, if we take a more encompassing approach to trade agreements, we wind up enhancing the nation-state as the primary agent of policy, shifting the gaze of grievance politics away from scapegoat. For too long, the asymmetry between what we ask of trade agreements and what they actually deliver has nurtured a vilification of symptoms over and above identification of a problem. We build ineffectual walls to repel vulnerable migrants rather build policies to stem violence, corruption, and climate changes wreaking havoc in the Northern Triangle. This kind of “politics of scapegoating” replaces a policy register with only the tool of punishment
The war on drugs is the best and oldest example of this counterproductive conflation of symptom with cause, interventions over problem-solving at its source. This implicates the drug war in the growth and appeal of global authoritarianism. In the end, we can either revisit Hawley’s crowded committee room by expanding our trade priorities or face a world where democratic politics can no longer touch the problems we must address.
On closer examination, the origins of these drug cartels themselves lie in the relations between the US and Mexican governments. Before becoming Los Zetas, the original members of the violent drug cartel were a special forces unit of the Mexican Army trained in the United States at the School of the Americas at Fort Benning, Georgia. If HSBC is found guilty of providing material “means and resources” to these terrorist organizations then it seems there should be ample evidence and grounds to also indict the US government as well.
Texas Attorney General: Biden Giving Economic Stimulus to Cartels Through Immigration Policy
(CNSNews.com) – Despite what DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas told Congress on Wednesday, the border is not closed, and there are almost triple the number of illegals coming across the border than there were a year ago, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton said Thursday.
“You and I were down there a month ago, and I just was in Laredo two days ago. It’s nowhere near closed. The numbers are almost triple those coming across that they were just a year ago. So we know the border is not closed. It is a massive influx of immigrants that have been invited here and really to the benefit of the cartels,” Paxton told Fox Business’s “Mornings with Maria Bartiromo.”
“As you saw, the cartels are the really the only ones absolutely benefiting. They are charging in Laredo actually more than they’re charging where you and I were - about double, about $8,000 per person. The numbers are amazing, and the incentives that Biden is giving the cartels to bring more people, it's just hard to believe,” he said.
The attorney general said that Customs and Border Patrol officers told him it costs $729 per child per day to house unaccompanied minors at the CBP facility in Donna, Texas.
“You may be the only one that’s actually gotten into the Donna facility, the only reporter, and you saw it,” Paxton told host Maria Bartiromo. “We asked the question while I was there, what’s this costing us, and they told us $729 per day per kid. There’s 1500 kids. That’s $400 million just for that one facility.
“I can’t imagine the Ritz-Carlton costing that much, and as you noticed, it wasn't quite the Ritz-Carlton. It was a tent with bunk beds and a few TVs. It’s hard to imagine it cost that much, so I can see why the Biden administration is asking for more money. That’s just one facility,” he said.
“We have them in Texas in Midland. We have them in San Antonio. We have them in Dallas. They’re all over the country, so they need more money. They should be spending money on the border, and yet that's not where the money is going,” the attorney general said.
Paxton said he asked CBP officers where the unaccompanied children are sent to, and they said that 80 percent of them are sent to relatives who live in the United States, but the attorney general doesn’t believe that. He thinks the Biden administration is purposely sending migrant kids to states led by Republican governors so that they will have to cover the costs of taking care of them.
“When we were there together, Maria, I was trying to ask them where do the kids go. They said 80% of them have family members to go with. I don't believe that. That's hard to believe these Central American kids that we saw, 80% of them have relatives here that are close enough to take,” the attorney general said.
“My guess is they’re just being dropped off in red states, and the goal is to destabilize our states by making those costs ours, because as you've said, there's law enforcement costs, and I think a lot of the kids are tied to the cartels. They’re identified with the cartels. They’re brought here by the cartels and they’re moved around by the cartels,” he said.
“So they are tied to them, which means more crime, but then we also have cost of education, health care, just all kinds of costs to the state that we will not be helped on, and I think that's part of what Biden is trying to do, Paxton added.
The attorney general said if you polled the cartels, “they would be 100% in favor” of Biden’s immigration policy, “because this is economic stimulus – which I know Joe Biden likes, but he’s giving it to the cartels.”
He said he’s “not surprised” that Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris don’t want to go to the border, “because they do not want to highlight what's going on.”
“They do not want to talk to Border Patrol. They do not want to talk to the sheriffs. They do not want to talk to state police. They do not want to talk to local city officials from Laredo, because they will all say the same things,” Paxton said.
“The policies that Trump implemented - whether it was stay in Mexico, whether it was stop the catch and release, whether it was building the wall - they worked. None of these policies work. They match what Obama did four years ago, and they are unsuccessful, not in terms of actually stopping illegal immigration,” he added.
THESE PARAISTE BANKSTERS DID MIGHTY WELL UNDER THE BANKSTER REGIME OF LAWYER BARACK OBAMA, LAWYER JOE BIDEN AND THE BANKSTERS' RENT BOY, LAWYER ERIC HOLDER.
THEY LOOTED A TRILLION DOLLARS FROM HOME VALUES AND NOT ONE WENT TO PRISON!
Moody’s Analytics and Goldman Sachs reports to investors have sought to boost Biden’s chances against Trump by cheering a potential “blue wave” on election day. Biden has reportedly promised Wall Street donors, behind closed doors, a return to a globalized, economic status quo that has forced working and middle-class American communities into a managed decline for decades.
“According to figures released this week by the Center for Responsive Politics, Wall Street in particular is favoring Biden’s campaign over Trump’s. The group found that Biden has raised $52.4 million from the finance, insurance and real estate industries, of which $32.2 million came from “securities and investment.”
Overall, the Biden amnesty would likely bring more than 37.3 million foreign nationals to the U.S. — a boon for Wall Street and other corporate interests looking to inflate the U.S. labor market, reduce the cost of labor, invest in more necessary housing while adding as many consumers to the market as possible.
HILLARY CLINTON: The woman
who fought Barack Obama to be
America's first dictator.
In the days of the Cold War, the narrative of the arch-reactionaries and anticommunists revolved around a conspiracy theory according to which the United States had been infiltrated at the highest levels by agents of the Soviet Union.
In the early 1950s, Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy led the anti-Soviet campaign, alleging that Russian spies occupied top positions in the government, in universities, in Hollywood and even in the military. According to McCarthy, “a conspiracy so immense and an infamy so black as to dwarf any previous venture in the history of man” implicated not only the Soviet Union but was also responsible for the “loss of China” in the 1949 Chinese Revolution.
The “Red Menace” was the pretext for attacking and delegitimizing all manifestations of social and political opposition, including the Civil Rights movement, as the work of “outside agitators” who received their orders from Moscow. It was Martin Dies, the Democratic congressman from Texas and initiator of the witch-hunting House Un-American Activities Committee, who declared in his 1940 book The Trojan Horse in America that Moscow had “envisioned an unusual opportunity to create racial hatred between the white and Negro citizens of the United States.”
In the late 1950s, after the heyday of McCarthy, the political thread was taken up by the John Birch Society, founded in 1958 by Massachusetts businessman Robert Welch, who notoriously declared that President Dwight D. Eisenhower was a “dedicated, conscious agent of the Communist conspiracy.”
In 1964, Welch backed the ultra-right Republican candidate Barry Goldwater, whose failed presidential campaign was heavily influenced by John Stormer’s book None Dare Call It Treason. “Will America continue to aid the communist enemy,” Stormer asked, “to disarm in the face of danger, to bow before communist dictators in every corner of the earth? The decision is yours.”
Nothing is dead in politics. The legacy of McCarthyism is now being revived by the campaign led by the Democratic Party and summed up in a hysterical screed published Wednesday in the Washington Post by Hillary Clinton, the self-professed former “Goldwater girl,” under the headline, “Mueller documented a serious crime against all Americans. Here’s how to respond.”
According to Clinton, “Our election was corrupted, our democracy assaulted, our sovereignty and security violated. This is the definitive conclusion of special counsel Robert S. Mueller III’s report.” The perpetrator again is Russia, which Clinton, citing the Mueller report, claims has carried out a “sweeping and systematic” attack on the United States.
The Clinton narrative, which is the official line of the Democratic Party, is a monumental lie. Responsibility for Clinton’s defeat in the 2016 elections is attributed entirely to the operations of Russian bots and “Guccifer 2.0,” the persona of the individual who supposedly hacked Democratic Party emails. Her campaign, Clinton writes, was the “target of a Russian plot,” directed by President Vladimir Putin, who “seeks to weaken our country.”
And what did this new “conspiracy so immense” actually involve? According to the Mueller report itself, organizations associated with Russia allegedly spent $100,000 on Facebook ads. This is 0.12 percent of the $81 million spent by the Democratic and Republican election campaigns themselves on Facebook ads, in a campaign dominated by the $5 billion spent by the billionaire backers of the two parties to buy the election.
As for the release of Democratic Party emails, even if one accepts the unsubstantiated claim that it was Russian operatives who turned them over to WikiLeaks, what the emails revealed were true facts about the operations of Clinton and the Democratic National Committee (DNC)—facts that the electorate had every right to know. Among the documents released were Clinton’s speeches to Goldman Sachs and other banks, for which she was paid hundreds of thousands of dollars. Other leaked emails exposed the corrupt efforts of the DNC to rig the primaries against Bernie Sanders.
Clinton lost in the 2016 elections because the Democratic Party, in line with the class interests it represents, made a calculated decision not to raise any social issues or make any appeal to the working class in its campaign against Trump. Do Clinton and company really expect the public to believe that Facebook ads put out by Russian agents were behind the collapse in voter turnout in working-class areas of Michigan, Wisconsin and other states?
The victory of the billionaire demagogue Trump was the result of widespread disillusionment with the Democratic Party after eight years of the Obama administration, which broke every campaign promise and exposed as lies the empty prattle about “hope” and “change.” Obama focused his
energies on bailing out Wall Street and shoring
up the wealth of the corporate and financial
elite.
In her column, Clinton goes on to call for an alliance between the Democratic Party and the Republicans. The situation calls for “clear-eyed patriotism, not reflexive partisanship,” she writes. She urges Republicans to work with Democrats in an intensified campaign against Russia—with or without the Trump administration. She writes: “It’s up to members of both parties to see where that road map [provided by the Mueller report] leads—to the eventual filing of articles of impeachment, or not. Either way, the nation’s interests will be best served by putting party and political considerations aside and being deliberate, fair and fearless.”
Clinton wants a bipartisan foreign policy that is “fearless” in its aggression against not only Russia, but also China. “Unless checked, the Russians will interfere again in 2020, and possibly other adversaries, such as China or North Korea, will as well,” she warns. Unless Trump is “held accountable, the president will likely redouble his efforts to advance Putin’s agenda, including rolling back sanctions, weakening NATO and undermining the European Union.”
Changing what needs to be changed, such words could have been penned by Robert Welch himself. Confronting a fascistic president, the Democrats have managed to frame their entire opposition around a right-wing narrative. If the Democrats had their way and Trump were removed—to be replaced, don’t forget, by the ultra-right Vice President Mike Pence—it is almost certain that the immediate consequence would be war with nuclear-armed Russia.
Inextricably connected to the conflicts over foreign policy is the escalation of the attack on democratic rights within the United States. Reprising the ravings of Dies, social discontent is attributed to the nefarious efforts of Russia to “sow discord” within the United States.
Significantly, Clinton cites as a model the actions of the ruling class after the September 11, 2001 attacks, when “Congress established an independent, bipartisan commission to recommend steps that would help guard against future attacks.” She concludes, “We need a similar commission to help protect our elections.”
The September 11 attacks—a terrorist atrocity that killed nearly 3,000 people—were followed by the Patriot Act, the Homeland Security Department, the Northern Command, domestic spying, Guantanamo Bay, the institution of torture and drone assassinations as government policy, and other crimes. The campaign of the Democrats over the Russian “attack”—a lie fashioned from whole cloth—has been accompanied by far-reaching moves to censor the internet under the guise of combating “fake news.”
The Democrats’ warmongering and attack on democratic rights come together in the persecution of WikiLeaks and its founder Julian Assange, whose enduring contribution to the population of the world was the exposure of the crimes of American imperialism. For this, Assange is currently imprisoned in Britain, facing imminent rendition to the United States. The courageous whistleblower Chelsea Manning is in jail for refusing to testify against him.
Such is Clinton’s defense of “our democracy.”
All of this further demonstrates that in the conflict between Trump and the Democratic Party there is no progressive or democratic faction. The anti-Russia narrative has not been challenged by any section of the Democratic Party, including Bernie Sanders, who is again seeking to cover up this warmongering party with a thin veneer of social reforms that it has no intention of implementing.
The conflict between the Democrats and the Trump administration is a conflict between two reactionary factions of the ruling class. All those political organizations and groups that are seeking to direct social opposition behind the Democratic Party are playing the most criminal role. They are no less terrified than Trump and the Democrats of the development of a genuine socialist movement of the working class, which will oppose American capitalism and its wars.
GRIFTER AND PHONY CHARITY FOUNDATION FRAUDSTER HILLARY CLINTON’S LONG SERVICE TO AMERICA’S MOST EVIL BANKSTERS
https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2019/08/the-democrat-party-grifter-and-pay-to.html
The judge found these releases, together with the publication of Clinton’s secret speeches to Wall Street banks, in which she pledged to be their representative, were “matters of the highest public concern.” They “allowed the American electorate to look behind the curtain of one of the two major political parties in the United States during a presidential election.”
“Clinton also failed to mention how he and Hillary cashed in after his presidential tenure to make themselves multimillionaires, in part by taking tens of millions in speaking fees from Wall Street bankers.”
CLINTON MAFIA AND THEIR BANKSTERS AT GOLDMAN SACHS
WHO IS TIGHTER WITH THE PLUNDERING BANKSTERS? CLINTON, OBAMA or TRUMP?
The Clinton White House famously abolished the Glass–Steagall legislation, which separated commercial and investment banking. The move was a boon for Wall Street firms and led to major bank mergers that some analysts say helped contribute to the 2008 financial crisis.
Bill and Hillary Clinton raked in massive speaking fees from Goldman Sachs, with CNN documenting a total of at least $7.7 million in paid speeches to big financial firms, including Goldman Sachs and UBS. Hillary Clinton made $675,000 from speeches to Goldman Sachs specifically, and her husband secured more than $1,550,000 from Goldman speeches. In 2005 alone, Bill Clinton collected over $500,000 from three Goldman Sachs events.
Hillary Clinton is simply the epitome of the rabid self – a whirlpool of selfishness, greed, and malignance.
It may well be true that Donald Trump has made his greatest contribution to the nation before even taking office: the political destruction of Hillary Clinton and her infinitely corrupt machine. J.R. Dunn
"Hillary will do anything to distract you from her reckless record and the damage to the Democratic Party and the America she and The Obama's have created."
There is evidence that HSBC and other major banks stepped up their money laundering for drug cartels and other criminal outfits in response to the financial crisis that began to emerge in earnest in 2007 and exploded in September of 2008 with the collapse of Lehman Brothers.
HSBC laundered hundreds of millions and perhaps billions of dollars for drug cartels responsible for the deaths of tens of thousands of people over the past two decades. The bank transferred at least $881 million of known drug trafficking proceeds, including money from the Sinaloa Cartel in Mexico, which is known for dismembering its victims and publicly displaying their body parts.
BEFORE HIS FIRST DAY IN OFFICE AS PRESIDENT, BARACK OBAMA HAD ALREADY SUCKED OFF MORE BANKSTER BRIBES THAN ANY PRESIDENT IN HISTORY. WHAT DID THE BANKSTERS KNOW THAT THE REST OF US DID NOT?
The Republican staff of the US House Committee on Financial Services released a report Monday presenting its findings on why the Obama Justice Department and then-Attorney General Eric Holder chose not to prosecute the British-based HSBC bank for laundering billions of dollars for Mexican and Colombian drug cartels.
Last June, when JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie
Dimon testified before the Senate on unreported
losses of at least $5 billion, sitting behind him was
the bank’s chief counsel, Stephen Cutler, who had
graduated to that post after serving as SEC
enforcement chief.
A key factor in Obama’s newfound and growing
wealth are those who profited from his
presidency. A number of his public speeches
have been given to big Wall Street firms and
investors. Obama has given at least nine
speeches to Cantor Fitzgerald, a large
investment and commercial real estate firm, and
other high-end corporations. According to
records, each speech has been at least $400,000 a
clip.
“Money laundering is a crime that makes other crimes possible. It can accelerate economic inequality, drain public funds, undermine democracy, and destabilize nations—and the banks play a key role. ‘Some of these people in crisp white shirts in their sharp suits are feeding off the tragedy of people dying all over the world,’ said Martin Woods, a former suspicious transactions investigator for Wachovia.’”
“Attorney General Eric Holder's tenure was a low point even within the disgraceful scandal-ridden Obama years.” DANIEL GREENFIELD / FRONTPAGE MAG
“Judicial Watch’s records request is designed to expose how California state legislators are wasting tax dollars to take care of another corrupt politician – Eric Holder – under the guise of resisting the rule of law on immigration and other matters,” stated Judicial Watch president Tom Fitton. “His record at the Clinton and Obama Justice Departments demonstrates a willingness to bend the law in order to protect his political patrons.”
And it all got much, much worse after 2008, when
the schemes collapsed and, as Lemann points out,
Barack Obama did not aggressively rein in Wall
Street as Roosevelt had done, instead restoring the
status quo ante even when it meant ignoring a
staggering white-collar crime spree.
RYAN COOPER
“The Obama/Biden was the most corrupt, criminal
administration any of us has ever seen, yet the media cheered
or covered up all the abuse of power, obstruction of
Justice and other crimes. “ JACK HELLNER
During his presidency, Obama bragged that his administration was “the only thing between [Wall Street] and the pitchforks.”
In fact, Obama handed the robber barons and
outright criminals responsible for the 2008–09
financial crisis a multi-trillion-dollar bailout. His
administration oversaw the largest redistribution of
wealth in history from the bottom to the top one
percent, spearheading the attack on the living
standards of teachers and autoworkers.
“This was not because of difficulties in securing indictments or convictions. On the contrary, Attorney General Eric Holder told a Senate committee in March of 2013 that the Obama administration chose not to prosecute the big banks or their CEOs because to do so might “have a negative impact on the national economy.”
Big Banks Throw Support Behind Joe Biden’s Big Amnesty for Illegal Aliens
Six of the United States’ biggest banks signaled support for President Joe Biden’s massive amnesty plan that would put roughly 11 to 22 million illegal aliens on a path to securing American citizenship while doubling legal immigration levels.
During a Senate Banking Committee hearing, the chief executives of Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs, Citigroup, JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, and Morgan Stanley suggested that Biden’s amnesty plan “would ultimately help us build a more robust, stronger economy” in a line of questioning from Sen. Bob Menendez (D-NJ).
Menendez, in a post online, touted Wall Street’s support for the Biden amnesty plan:
Biden’s amnesty plan, introduced in the Senate by Menendez, would import a foreign-born population nearly the size of California by 2031 as nearly 12 million illegal aliens would have taken advantage of the amnesty provisions by then, previous analysis has found.
Overall, the Biden amnesty would likely bring more than 37.3 million foreign nationals to the U.S. — a boon for Wall Street and other corporate interests looking to inflate the U.S. labor market, reduce the cost of labor, invest in more necessary housing while adding as many consumers to the market as possible.
Wall Street is only the latest special interest to join an amnesty coalition that is currently being spearheaded by Biden and former President George W. Bush.
Others lobbying Republican lawmakers to back the massive amnesty include the Koch-funded Americans for Prosperity, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the Business Roundtable, the Bloomberg-funded New American Economy, the Texas Association of Business, and taxpayer-funded refugee contractors.
Every year more than 1.2 million legal immigrants are awarded green cards, another 1.4 million foreign nationals are given visas, and hundreds of thousands of illegal aliens are added to the U.S. population. Aside from Wall Street, the big business lobby and Big Tech have lobbied for years for an amnesty and an increase in legal immigration levels to boost their profit margins by cutting labor costs through U.S. job outsourcing.
John Binder is a reporter for Breitbart News. Email him at jbinder@breitbart.com. Follow him on Twitter here.
Sold Out: How High-Tech Billionaires & Bipartisan Beltway Crapweasels Are ScrewingAmerica's Best & Brightest
By Michelle Malkin and John Miano
Analysis conducted in 2018 discovered that 71 percent of tech workers in Silicon Valley, California, are foreign-born, while the tech industry in the San Francisco, Oakland, and Hayward area is made up of 50 percent foreign-born tech workers. Up to 99 percent of H-1B visa workers imported by the top eight outsourcing firms are from India.
Joe Biden’s Donor List Includes More than 30 Executives Tied to Wall Street
Democrat presidential candidate Joe Biden has more than 30 business executives on his donor list that have connections to Wall Street.
Analysis of Biden’s more than 800 big donors, those who have bundled contributions for his presidential bid against President Trump, found that more than 30 of the executives listed have ties to Wall Street.
CNBC reports:
CNBC reviewed a new list of more than 800 Biden bundlers who raised at least $100,000 for the campaign, and found that several of them had links to financial firms. A few had been mentioned on the initial list of Biden fundraisers that was released in 2019 during the Democratic primary contests. [Emphasis added]
…
Beyond those from Wall Street, Biden’s campaign saw fundraising help from leaders in Silicon Valley, including LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman and venture capitalist Ron Conway. [Emphasis added]
Those executives with ties to Wall Street funding Biden’s campaign include:
Frank Baker, Brett Barth, Jim Chanos, Mark Chorazak, David Clunie, William Derrough, Roger Altman, Blair Effron, Jon Feigelson, Mark Gallogly, John Rogers, Jon Gray, Tony James, Jon Henes, Sonny Kalsi, Orin Kramer, Brad Krap, Brian Kreiter, Marc Lasry, Nate Loewenthall, Eric Mindich, Kara Moore, Charles Myers, Alan Patricof, Deven Parekh, Robert Rubin, Evan Roth, Faiza Saeed, Rajen Shah, Jay Snyder, Rob Stavis, and Jeff Zients.
As Breitbart News reported, Biden’s campaign
is being backed by nearly “all the big banks” on
Wall Street, according to CNN analysis, and
Wall Street executives and employees have
donated more than $74 million to elect the
former vice president.
Trump, on the other hand, has accepted far less money from Wall Street — taking just a little over $18 million dollars from financial firms. This is a whopping $56 million less than what Biden has accepted from Wall Street.
Despite his Wall Street, big business, Big Tech, and billionaire donations, Biden has attempted to portray himself as a small-town fighter from Scranton, Pennsylvania.
In a post on Sunday, Biden wrote that “Donald Trump sees the world from Park Avenue,” whereas he sees the world “from where I came from: Scranton, Pennsylvania.” In fact, Biden has raised over $1 million from wealthy Park Avenue donors, more than eight times the less than $130,000 that Trump has taken from Park Avenue residents.
John Binder is a reporter for Breitbart News. Follow him on Twitter
Big Tech and Big Law dominate Biden
transition teams, tempering progressive hopes
Alexander Nazaryan administration takes office in January.
WASHINGTON — For six years, Brandon Belford worked as an economic policy adviser to President Barack Obama in the White House and federal agencies. He moved to the Bay Area when Donald Trump became president, part of a massive flight of Obama officials from Washington to Silicon Valley, Wall Street and Hollywood. He took high-ranking positions with Apple and then Lyft, where he is currently the ride-sharing company’s chief of staff.
Now Belford is back, as part of one of the “transition teams” named by President-elect Joe Biden to restock a federal government that has been battered after four years of Trump by hiring new officials and advising the incoming administration on what its first governing steps should be.
Those steps could be timid, judging by the composition of those teams, where Obama-era centrism prevails. That has some progressives worried that Biden represents nothing more than a return to normal, at a time when many of them believe the nation is ready to embrace policy ideas well to the left of center.
“The status quo is killing us,” says former Bernie Sanders press secretary Briahna Joy Gray, who now hosts a podcast called “Bad Faith.”
Belford is joined by dozens of other Democratic operatives who have spent the past four years working at prestigious law firms and think tanks. On these “agency review teams” are high-ranking executives from Amazon, partners at white-shoe law firms like Covington & Burling and enough experts from D.C. center-left think tanks — including six from the Brookings Institution alone — to fill a center-left think tank.
Progressives knew this was coming. “I am very concerned about the role Uber executives would play in this administration,” Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez D-N.Y., told Yahoo News. Even though she also effusively praised the appointment of Ron Klain as the incoming White House chief of staff, Ocasio-Cortez vowed that corporate America would not “pull the wool over our eyes” when it came to crafting the Biden presidency.
Some have put it less bluntly. “Biden’s transition team is full of wealthy corporate executives who are completely disconnected from the struggles of the working class,” complains left-leaning activist Ryan Knight, whose Twitter handle is @ProudSocialist.
App-based drivers from Uber and Lyft protest in a caravan in front of City Hall in Los Angeles on October 22, 2020 where elected leaders hold a conference urging voters to reject on the November 3 election, Proposition 22, that would classify app-based drivers as independent contractors and not employees or agents. (Photo by Frederic J. BROWN / AFP) (Photo by FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images)More
He was presumably referring to the two dozen agency review team officials who come from law firms like Arnold & Porter. Or to the 40 or so members of the Biden transition who are current or recent lobbyists.
The agency review teams are not exactly settling into their cubicles just yet. For one, President Trump has not yet conceded the election, and the transition has been hindered in part by Republican operatives at the General Services Administration. And agency review is an enormously complex process, one that actually began months ago. The transition teams are supposed to ensure a “smooth transfer of power,” in large part by making sure that capable officials are ready to get to work in their respective agencies the moment Biden lifts his hand from the Lincoln Bible.
Speaking on the condition of anonymity, one member of the Biden campaign working on agency-related matters says teams were primarily tasked with surveying the landscape of the federal bureaucracy. She says that the transition teams would make some hiring recommendations, but only as a secondary function.
With a single exception, the agency review team members mentioned in this article did not respond to requests for comment.
One with a typically impressive biography is that of Aneesh Chopra, who served as the U.S. chief technology officer for Obama before starting his own medical data logistics company, CareJourney. Now he is on the transition team for the U.S. Postal Service, where he will presumably work to undo the alleged damage by another logistics maven: Trump appointee Louis DeJoy.
Of course, most progressives are glad that there’s a Biden transition to speak of, instead of a second Trump term. But they also recognize their own role in the Democratic candidate’s victory.
“Everyone fell into line and did everything they could to get Joe Biden elected,” says Max Berger, a progressive activist who worked for Elizabeth Warren’s presidential campaign and Justice Democrats, the group that helped elect Ocasio-Cortez to the House in 2018.
Berger recognizes that progressives will be a “junior partner” to the establishment Democrats with whom Biden has been ideologically and temperamentally aligned for a good half-century. They want to be partners all the same, not just the loyal opposition.
Many are cheered by some of the agency review teams. For one, they are notably more diverse, a stark contrast to Trump’s reliance on white males for so much of his advice. On the transition team for the National Aeronautics and Space Administration is Jedidah Isler, the Dartmouth professor who in 2014 became the first Black woman to earn a doctorate in astrophysics from Yale. The transition team for the Small Business Administration includes Jorge Silva Puras, a political leader in Puerto Rico who also teaches entrepreneurship at a community college in the Bronx.
“The presence of labor officials throughout many of the groups is notable,” says David Dayen, executive editor of the American Prospect. In the Department of Education team, for example, are several executives from the American Federation of Teachers.
He called the Federal Reserve and Treasury teams “all-stars,” a sentiment shared by other progressives interviewed for this article. On the Treasury team is Mehrsa Baradaran, a progressive economist who has written on the racial wealth gap. She is also on the Federal Reserve team, along with Reena Aggarwal, a corporate governance expert.
Progressive strategist Elizabeth Spiers says the finance-related teams are not “not quite Elizabeth Warren levels of aggressiveness but also not stuffed with finance people.” Biden’s advisers appear to have learned the lessons of his former boss. During Obama’s first year, he relied on banking executives to help quell the financial crisis. They did so in ways that steered the new president away from progressive proposals, such as nationalizing those very same banks.
There is not a single current executive from Citibank or Goldman Sachs on any of the transition teams. Bank of America has also been shut out. JPMorgan can boast a single toehold in the agency review process: Lisa Sawyer of the Pentagon team. A spokesman for JPMorgan told Yahoo News that the bank was “following the appropriate election laws” and that Sawyer was “not on an agency review team that will touch any banking issues.”
“I think the Biden administration is going to be
surprising to progressives in some ways and
disappointing in others, and the agency review
teams reflect that,” Dayen says. During the
summer, the American Prospect published a
lengthy exposé about Biden’s foreign policy
advisers’ lucrative foray into corporate
America. Many are set to return to the highest
echelons of official Washington.
“I have to be cautiously optimistic,” says Waleed Shahid, communications director for the Justice Democrats.
Relatively young progressives like Shahid are less likely to wax romantic about the way things were in Washington. They are less interested in experience than conviction. But for many in Biden’s camp, a lack of experience was among the several fatal flaws of the Trump years.
“Everyone — right or left — has made the mistaken assumption for years that governing is easy,” says “The Death of Expertise” author Tom Nichols, who teaches at the Naval War College and is an ardently anti-Trump Republican.
“After having a bunch of nitwits and cronies loose in the government,” Nichols wrote in an email, “I think a lot of people on the left are really giving in to the assumption that as long as you’re not Trump, or not a complete idiot, anyone can do it.”
Given the title and theme of his book, Nicholas cautioned against that approach. “It’s a childish and silly approach to government, but it’s a bipartisan problem,” he told Yahoo News.
While progressive may not see their stars like Sens. Bernie Sanders or Elizabeth Warren occupying the Treasury Department, they do very much hope that a Biden presidency amounts to more than a third Obama term. It was unaddressed economic inequality, they believe, that bred the populist resentment that gave Trump an opening in 2016. The coronavirus has only made that inequality worse. That will only increase populist resentment, they worry, to be exploited by a Trump acolyte — or perhaps Trump himself, again — in 2024.
Addressing that inequality, for now, falls to transition team officials like Mark Schwartz of Amazon and Ted Dean of Dropbox, as well as Arun Venkataraman of Visa and David Holmes of defense contractor Rebellion Defense, in which Eric Schmidt of Google is an investor. Many of these officials are veterans of the Obama administration or Democratic offices on the Hill.
“There is a lot of corporate influence there,” says Maurice Weeks, co-founder of the Action Center on Race and the Economy. “And that is troubling.” But he is encouraged by the presence of “hard-core progressives” like Sarah Miller, a former Treasury deputy who is both an anti-Facebook activist and the executive of the American Economic Liberties Project, which seeks to curb corporate power. She is now on the Treasury transition team.
In some ways, the difference is between former Obama officials who, like Miller, went on to become activists and those who moved on to become rich. The latter did only what many government officials had done before them. But at a time of mass unemployment, a stint at the corporate law firm Latham & Watkins (three transition team members) may not seem as impressive as it may have when Obama was president.
“We don’t just want to rewind the clock by four years,” Weeks says.
For many progressives, Trump was a singular threat to important institutions of the federal government, but rebuilding those institutions is simply not as important as rebuilding entire communities shattered by economic, social and racial inequalities.
No comments:
Post a Comment