HIGHLY GRAPHIC VIDEO!
AMERICA’S OPEN AND UNDEFENDED
BORDERS:
LA RAZA HEROIN CARTELS
CUT HEART OUT OF LIVING MAN AND BEHEAD HIS PARTNER!
MEXICANS ARE THE
MOST VIOLENT CULTURE IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE!
Heather Mac Donald of the Manhattan Institute
has testified before a Congressional committee that in 2004, 95% of all
outstanding warrants for murder in Los Angeles were for illegal aliens; in
2000, 23% of all Los Angeles County jail inmates were illegal aliens and that
in 1995, 60% of Los Angeles’s largest street gang, the 18th Street gang, were
illegal aliens. Granted, those statistics are old, but if you
talk to any California law enforcement officer, they will tell you it’s much
worse today.
Part One: Corrupt major
parties struggle for legitimacy
By
Don Knowland
21 February 2018
Mexico’s election for a new president and both houses of Congress
is July 1. On Sunday the major political parties selected their official
candidates.
The ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) of current
president Enrique Peña Nieto is running under the slogan “Everyone for Mexico”
in a coalition with the Mexican Green Ecological Party (Partido Verde
Ecologista de México, PVEM) and the New Alliance Party (Nueva Alianza or
PANAL), a party with origins in the corrupt National Union of Education Workers
(the SNTE).
Bogged down in corruption allegations and with dismal approval
ratings, for the first time in its nine-decade history the PRI has chosen a
nonparty member as its candidate, José Antonio Meade Kuribreña, largely because
he is not personally suspected of corruption.
Meade served as Secretary of Finance (Treasury) and Secretary of
Energy towards the end of the immediately prior presidency of Felipe Calderón
Hinojosa of the right-wing National Action Party (PAN), where he was a
proponent of the energy reform adopted early in Peña Nieto’s subsequent
administration. Under Peña Nieto, Meade served as Secretary of Foreign Affairs
for three years, Secretary of Social Development (SEDESOL) for a year, and then
as Secretary of Finance until he resigned that position in November to run for
president.
Meade headed the Finance Ministry at the time of the “gasolinazo”
explosion of mass opposition to rising gasoline prices in early 2017, garnering
him the hashtag #LordGasolinazo.
While Meade may not have personally benefited, corruption scandals
have come to light arising from the time Meade headed SENESOL and the Finance
Ministry.
As to SENESOL, Proceso magazine
has documented widespread diversion of funds slated for its anti-hunger
campaign while Meade headed it.
According to the Reforma newspaper,
money was sent by the Finance Ministry when Meade headed it to Alejandro
Gutierrez, who was arrested in December based on allegations that when he
controlled the PRI’s financial accounts he funneled $13.3 million in public
money to political campaigns in Chihuahua state.
More broadly, a growing list of top PRI officials, from eight
former governors to the former CEO of state oil company Pemex, has faced
corruption accusations over the last year. This comes on top of the exposure of
personal corruption on the part of Peña Nieto and his wife involving business
cronies and the awarding of public contracts.
Despite this stench, in the last two months the PRI appointed the
controversial ex-governor of the state of Coahuila, Rubén Moreira, to two key
electoral posts, even though he faces accusations that he embezzled almost $20
million directed to teachers to buy votes, and that he received money from
organized crime—first as its secretary of its electoral action, and then, more
importantly, as secretary of its electoral organization.
Meade’s campaign coordinator is Aurelio Nuño Mayer, Peña Nieto’s
Secretary of Public Education from 2015 to 2017, who crushed the work stoppages
of dissident teachers in southern Mexico in 2013 against Pena Nieto’s education
“reform,” a code word stripping teachers of their rights, while funneling money
to the corrupt SNTE to assure its election loyalty.
Traditionally Mexican presidents, who are limited to one six-year
term, select a successor candidate from their party, exercising the “dedazo”
(tap of the finger). But it is Luis Videgaray Caso, who himself claims to have
displaced the massively unpopular lame duck president Peña Nieto as the most
powerful figure in the PRI, who selected Meade to be the PRI’s candidate in
this election.
It was Videgaray who preceded candidate Meade as Secretary of
Finance, and succeeded Meade as Secretary of Foreign Affairs in 2016. Videgaray
is in charge of the critical renegotiation of the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA) with the Trump administration and Canada. Videgaray has paid
obeisance to the “security” imperatives of the United States in Mexico, and
cultivated Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser, Jared Kushner. Videgaray is
himself widely unpopular for having pushed Peña Nieto to invite then candidate
Donald Trump to visit him in Mexico.
Meade was a late selection over the three who had been considered
contenders the last two years—Videgaray himself, Nuño Mayer, and Miguel Ángel
Osorio Chong, the Interior Minister who covered up the 2014 killing of the 43
Ayotzinapa teaching students, and resigned from that post last month because he
does not believe the PRI has a chance to win. None had any prospect of winning,
hence the turn to Meade.
Despite the PRI’s attempt at new garb, it is surprising to no one
that Meade has barely been able to reach a high of 20 percent to date in
election polls and is now polling at 18 percent. This reflects the extreme
political crisis of the PRI.
No supposedly “clean” candidate can wave a wand and disentangle
himself and the PRI from its history of corruption and violence. The Mexican
population cannot forget that the PRI, the military and the police are
implicated in the disappearance of the Ayotzinapa 43, and other violent attacks
on the population, including teachers.
Nor can the Mexican working class forget that under Peña Nieto’s
2012 “Pact for Mexico” approved by the PRI, PAN and the Party of the Democratic
Revolution (PRD) it has suffered concerted attacks on its social position, high
unemployment, low wages, high prices, including skyrocketing gas prices as a
result of the legislation’s deregulation of the energy and oil sectors, and a
drooping peso.
Rising poverty and extreme inequality have been the outcome. Mexico’s
four wealthiest billionaires control as much wealth as the bottom half of the
population—the 65 million that live in poverty, including 13 million living in
extreme poverty. The top ten percent as a whole account for 67 percent of
Mexico’s national wealth. Mexico registers the second highest level of
inequality amongst the 34 advanced economies that make up the Organization for
Economic Co-operation and Development.
The technocrat Meade, like Videgaray, is simply another prime
exponent of the policies that have opened the floodgates to increased
exploitation by the Mexican bourgeoisie, in tandem with the depredations of
foreign, and primarily American, capital.
Meade is further tarred by his service under the presidency of
Calderón, who was also reviled. Calderón launched a war on the drug cartels
that led to tens of thousands of deaths and even more corruption. His rule was
so disastrous that the first PAN president, his predecessor Vicente Fox,
supported Peña Nieto in the 2012 election rather than the PAN candidate,
Josefina Vázquez Mota.
As for the right-wing PAN, the party and its presidential
candidate Ricardo Anaya Cortés have also fared poorly in polling, even after
solidifying their electoral coalition—“For Mexico to the Front”—with the once
“center-left” PRD, which has essentially abandoned its once populist
pretensions, and the PRD’s long-time allied party, the Citizen’s Movement (MC).
The bedraggled PRD, whose 2006 presidential candidate was former Mexico City
mayor Andrés Manuel López Obrador (popularly known as AMLO), could not run
independently due to its sinking political fortunes in the wake of casting its
lot with the Pact for Mexico, and the factional infighting that has torn apart
the party since.
Anaya asserts that three “cancerous tumors” have overwhelmed
Mexico, “corruption, violence and inequality.” He has adopted the PRD’s vacuous
slogan of “Democracy Now, Homeland for All.” In reality the PAN-PRD coalition
offers nothing more than continued attacks on the working class, and the corruption
and violence that was also endemic to the PAN presidencies of Fox and Calderón
and goes hand in hand with those attacks.
Polls over the last four years show that like the PRI, the PAN and
PRD are also widely distrusted by the populace. It is little wonder that Anaya
has been running in the range of no more than 19 to 27 percent in the polls.
The Mexican masses know that there is no democratic reflection of their
interests in the dominant parties.
Part Two: Andres Manuel
Lopez Obrador’s bankrupt third run for Mexican president
By
Don Knowland
22 February 2018
This is the second in a two-part series. Part one was posted yesterday.
In response to widespread opposition to the candidacies of the
Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI) and National Action Party (PAN),
leading figures of the political establishment have attacked National
Regeneration Movement (Morena) candidate Andres Manuel López Obrador (AMLO),
painting him as a left-wing threat to stability.
According to PAN candidate Ricardo Anaya Cortés, “We agree that we
need a change of regime, not a replacement of autocracies. Let it be clear:
Neither through PRI continuity nor through the authoritarian restoration,
concentrator of power, unipersonal and caudillista that represents Morena”.
This is a barely veiled reference to López Obrador having praised
Hugo Chavez and Fidel Castro at times, such that he will operate as an,
autocratic “caudillo,” a Latin American strongman, and run Mexico like
Venezuela. In response to this threadbare propaganda López Obrador insists “I do
not fight for money, I do not fight for power, I fight for ideals, I fight for
principles, even if it seems strange.”
Leading figures like Javier Lozano, vice coordinator of messaging
for Meade, who until recently was a PAN operative have accused Russia of
meddling through the Internet on AMLO’s behalf. These attacks are so flimsy
that the spokesperson of the presidency, Eduardo Sánchez, had to proclaim that
they were without any proof. Undeterred, Lozano argued that mere accusation
would open the door to attempts by the US to increase its influence in Mexico,
given the anti-Russian hysteria in the US.
In December, US National Security Advisor H. R. McMaster also
claimed that Russia has launched a campaign to “influence Mexico’s 2018
presidential election and stir up division.” The PRI’s president Enrique Ochoa
Reza also affirmed that “Russian and Venezuelan interests” are supporting López
Obrador’s campaign, again without offering evidence. When he was US Secretary
of Homeland John F. Kelly, now White House chief of staff, warned that a
“left-wing president in Mexico … would not be good for America or Mexico”.
Not surprisingly, despite these smears, López Obrador, who lost
the 2006 presidential election to Calderon as the PRD candidate due to massive
fraud, given the records of the PRI, PAN and PRD, has maintained a consistent,
at times double-digit lead, in the polls, registering as high as 38 percent.
While the threat of increased intervention by US imperialism in
Mexico’s affairs is real if he wins, in reality López Obrador represents little
threat to the capitalist order in Mexico. Like Bernie Sanders, López Obrador is
a bourgeois politician heading up a bourgeois party. If needed he will serve
the Mexican ruling class as a means to forestall revolution, like Syriza in
Greece.
AMLO’s electoral coalition—“Together we will make history”—is
comprised of Morena, the Labor Party (Partido de Trabajo, PT) and the Social
Encounter Party (PES), a right-wing party comprised mostly of Evangelical
Christians that opposes gay rights, same-sex marriage and abortion.
Its vague program consists of little more than watered down
nationalist-based reforms, much of which amounts to little more than populist
demagogy.
For example, López Obrador promises to undo much of Peña Nieto’s
energy reform, to build more refineries, stop importing gasoline, and provide
cheap energy.
AMLO proposes a 12-mile deep “free or open zone” along the
1,800-mile border with the United States, which would include all of Mexico’s
border cities with the US, such as Tijuana and Juarez, in order to “promote
growth” in this this region of Mexico. Under this proposal “incentives will be
given, taxes will be lowered, gasoline prices will be lowered and job creation
will be encouraged.” The 11-16 percent value added tax previously imposed in
the order area would be repealed.
Neither AMLO nor Morena’s program mentions imperialism, despite
over of a century under the boot of US dominance.
Instead, Morena, in the more nationalistic pre-1980 tradition of
the Mexican bourgeoisie, seeks better terms for Mexican business when dealing
with US capital. AMLO stresses that the largest plants installed in Mexico
belong to American investors or businessmen “that export merchandise and their
profits to the United States and leave very few jobs or taxes” in Mexico.
Morena’s official program calls for “cooperative development” with US
businesses and for “higher competition internally and competitiveness
externally.”
More generally, while Morena’s program calls on the state to promote
the national economy, AMLO insists that Mexican development is to be
accomplished without increasing taxes on the wealthy, by freeing up funds lost
to corruption, and by the government “acting with austerity,” that is, not
spending significantly on social programs or infrastructure. The country, AMLO
says “should no longer be indebted.” This is a right-wing, reactionary program
through and through.
AMLO opposes the interests of the working class in calling for
uniting all sectors of society, “women and men, poor and rich, religious and
free thinkers,” as long as they do not partake of the corruption endemic to the
Mexican ruling class. Thus, billionaire Carlos Slim Helú, once the world’s
richest man, is welcome to participate in AMLO’s “unity campaign,” because he
is allegedly an “honest businessman,” rather than part of what AMLO calls the
corrupt “mafia in power” who “traffic in influence.”
But Mexico’s main problem is not corruption as AMLO would have it,
but capitalism. Corruption goes hand in hand with capitalism, and it will not
disappear without its demise.
Rather than critiquing capitalism, AMLO puts forth universal
civic, social and democratic values such as all that it takes to bring about
social and economic “rebirth.” Such vague moral appeals will solve nothing, and
can only serve to shield the actual mechanisms of capitalist exploitation.
According to AMLO the middle classes have a “profound desire for
liberation, to make justice a reality and establish an authentic democracy.”
But the nine percent under the top one percent in Mexico is the upper
middle-class layer that Morena and AMLO politically represent, view the masses
of workers as a threat to their wealth and privileges. This layer includes
trade union operatives, academics and state bureaucrats.
In 2015 AMLO sold out the struggles of teachers in poor southern
Mexico states who were opposing Pena Nieto’s education “reform,” that is, the
attacks on their wages and rights. He pushed them to sit down with intransigent
federal officials such as Osorio Chong, who were heading up these attacks.
Not surprisingly, when masses of Mexicans in last year’s
“gasolinazo” protested a 20 percent hike in gas prices, AMLO attacked those who
blocked refinery facilities or looted stores for employing “fascist strategies.”
Order, he said, had to be brought to such “chaos.” Any and all violence had to
be avoided in order to assure a “peaceful and democratic” road to change,
despite the ever-increasing violence of the Mexican state and its military and
police agencies against the population.
AMLO and Morena deny the masses of Mexico their political
independence, or a road to pursue their own class interests and taking power.
AMLO’s call for a “moral and cultural revolution” rules out social revolution.
AMLO’s nationalistic point of departure completely abstracts from
the globalized economy that has predominated the Mexican economy the last three
decades, the rule of giant transnational corporations and banks. His ideology
offers no solution to the crisis that continues to crush Mexican workers and
peasants.
The essential democratic and social needs of the working class and
Mexican masses cannot be met under the rule of any wing of the Mexican national
bourgeoisie, all of whose own privileges depend on the brutal exploitation of
workers and poor farmers and on their ties to imperialism.
All of the major parties routinely engage in diversion of funds to
buy votes of poorer voters, not just the PRI. Given vicious infighting amongst
sections of the Mexican bourgeoisie widespread electoral fraud can be expected
once again this year. According a December 2017 New York Times article Peña
Nieto spent on the order of two billion dollars on publicity during his first 5
years as president. So the sums available for electoral abuse are massive.
Electronic hacking of polling stations is also to be expected, not by the
Russians, but by the warring factions of the Mexican bourgeoisie. The PRI
already faced allegations of widespread electoral fraud in 2017 as to the
election of Peña Nieto’s cousin Alfredo del Mazo as governor of the state of
Mexico.
More dominant sections of the American and Mexican bourgeoise may
well oppose even AMLO’s mild proposals for reform. But the Mexican bourgeoisie
remain well aware that the greatest danger facing them is an explosion of mass
opposition by the Mexican working class. In the face of that danger it is to
López Obrador they may well turn.
Whatever the course the elections take, the Mexican working class
can have no illusions that any section of the ruling class will protect its
fundamental interests. Those interests can only be accomplished through
building an independent political movement, based on a socialist,
anti-capitalist program, that unites the working class of North, Central, and
South America, which faces the same concerted attacks by their ruling financial
oligarchies.
Concluded
Report: Mexican Cartel Dumped Hundreds of Corpses into Texas Border-Area Lakes
Coahuila Attorney General's Office
One of Mexico’s most violent cartels dumped the bodies of hundreds, perhaps thousands of their victims into various dams and lakes throughout the northern part of Mexico and along the U.S. border.
In a new report by Mexico’s Revista Proceso, Los Zetas top leader Omar Treviño “Z-42” Morales Treviños allegedly told a state investigator to search the dams when he was asked about the mass disappearances throughout the areas where the cartel operated.
Some of those areas where Los Zetas operated include lakes in Mexico and Texas such as Falcon and Amistad–which are believed to be the untimely resting places of hundreds of victims. Mexican authorities have carried out searches for bodies in the Mexican sides.
Through brute force and with the help of some Mexican officials, members of Los Zetas Cartel were able to establish themselves in Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Tamaulipas. It is in those areas where the cartel has been singled out as being responsible for thousands of unsolved cases. However, bureaucrats refuse to classify the cases as homicides and simply list them as missing persons.
Breitbart Texas published in early 2016 the results of a three-month investigation which revealed that between 2011 and 2013, Los Zetas carried out multiple kidnapping operations where they are believed to have taken, murdered, and incinerated approximately 300 from rural communities in northern Coahuila. At least half of those were incinerated inside the state prison in Piedras Negras, while others are believed destroyed using 55-gallon drums and clandestine ovens.
The new revelations from the report add more weight to the working theories that many of the dams have become clandestine graveyards–similar to the Los Zetas-linked sites in other parts of Mexico.
In 2011, Los Zetas murdered 72 Central American migrants at a ranch in rural San Fernando, approximately 80 miles south of the Texas border. Six months later, Mexican authorities discovered a series of mass graves with at least 193 bodies.
Ildefonso Ortiz is an award-winning journalist with Breitbart Texas. He co-founded the Cartel Chronicles project with Brandon Darby and Stephen K. Bannon. You can follow him on Twitter and on Facebook. He can be contacted at Iortiz@breitbart.com.
Brandon Darby is managing director and editor-in-chief of Breitbart Texas. He co-founded the Cartel Chronicles project with Ildefonso Ortiz and Stephen K. Bannon. Follow him on Twitter and Facebook. He can be contacted at bdarby@breitbart.com.
Bodies of two kidnapped federal agents are found inside a car in Mexico after cartel video released on YouTube saw gang members surrounding them with guns
· Octavio Martinez and Alfonso Hernandez disappeared on February 5 after attending a family event in Nayrit, Mexico
· A video was posted earlier this month showing the two on the ground tied up and surrounded by a group of gang members
· Their bodies were found inside a car
· The attorney general's office said it returned the remains to the families of the agents after running DNA tests to confirm their identities
· Mexico is experiencing its worst-ever surge in violent crime, with more than 25,000 killings in 2017, a rate of nearly 21 per 100,000 people
· The description of the video on YouTube said the Jalisco New Generation Cartel was behind the kidnapping
·
·
Human remains found inside a car in Mexico have been identified as two kidnapped federal agents from the organized crime unit.
The Mexican attorney general's office said Sunday that the remains found last week were of Octavio Martinez and Alfonso Hernandez, who were last seen in an online video earlier this month tied up and surrounded by cartel members.
Martinez and Hernandez disappeared on February 5 after attending a family event in the Pacific state of Nayarit, one of the regions hit hardest by an increase in gang-related killings.
Octavio Martinez (left) and Alfonso Hernandez (right) disappeared on February 5 after attending a family event in Nayrit, Mexico
A video posted online the following weekend appeared to show the two agents kneeling and with their hands tied.
The description of the video on YouTube said the Jalisco New Generation Cartel was behind the kidnapping, but this could not be confirmed.
The attorney general's office said it returned the remains to the families of the agents after running DNA tests to confirm their identities, and would keep working to find the murderers.
+1
·
A video was posted earlier this month showing the two on the ground tied up and surrounded by a group of gang members. Their bodies were then found in a car
'The Attorney General of the Republic laments and condemns this terrible finding, and expresses solidarity with the mourning of the families,' the office said in a statement.
Mexico is experiencing its worst-ever surge
in violent crime, with more than 25,000 killings
in 2017, a rate of nearly 21 per 100,000
people.
in violent crime, with more than 25,000 killings
in 2017, a rate of nearly 21 per 100,000
people.
Mexican officials said last month the government would deploy more federal police troopers to crack down on criminal groups in affected regions. Violence has increased as rival drug gangs splinter into smaller groups and dispute territory.
The United States regards the cartel as one of Mexico's most powerful drug gangs.
Last year, Nayarit's then attorney general, Edgar Veytia, was arrested in San Diego on U.S. narcotics trafficking conspiracy charges.
Billionaire Mexicans tell their poor
to JUMP U.S. OPEN BORDERS and LOOT THE STUPID GRINGO… and loot they do!
Billions of dollars are sucked out of
America from Mexico’s looting!
1) Mexico
ended legal immigration 100 years ago, except for Spanish blood.
2) Mexico is the 17th richest nation
but pays the 220th lowest minimum wage to force their subjects to invade the
USA. The expands territory for Mexicans, spreads the Spanish language, and
culture and genotypes, while earning 17% of Mexico's gross GDP as Foreign
Remittance Income.
No comments:
Post a Comment