WHY DID TRUMP HAND THOUSANDS OF TROOPS TO PROTECT THE SAUDI BORDER AS THE LA RAZA HEROIN CARTELS ARE POURING OVER OURS???
THE SAUDI
MUSLIM INVASION OF AMERICA
Images of
9/11: A Visual Remembrance
https://www.breitbart.com/politics/2020/09/11/images-911-visual-remembrance/
WHO IS FINANCING ALL THE TRUMP AND
SON-IN-LAW’S REFINANCING SCAMS???
FOLLOW THE MONEY!
https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2018/10/swamp-keeper-trump-claims-fake-news-is.html
"I doubt that Trump understands -- or cares about --
what message he's sending. Wealthy Saudis, including members of the extended
royal family, have been his patrons for years, buying his distressed properties
when he needed money. In the early 1990s, a Saudi prince purchased Trump's
flashy yacht so that the then-struggling businessman could come up with cash to
stave off personal bankruptcy, and later, the prince bought a share of the
Plaza Hotel, one of Trump's many business deals gone bad. Trump also sold an
entire floor of his landmark Trump Tower condominium to the Saudi government in
2001."
“The Wahhabis finance thousands of
madrassahs throughout the world where young boys are brainwashed into becoming
fanatical foot-soldiers for the petrodollar-flush Saudis and other emirs of the
Persian Gulf.” AMIL
IMANI
I recommend that Ignatius read Raymond
Ibrahim's outstanding book Sword and Scimitar, which contains accounts of dynastic
succession in the Muslim monarchies of the Middle East, where standard
operating procedure for a new monarch on the death of his father was to
strangle all his brothers. Yes, it's awful. But it has
been happening for a very long time. And it's not going to change
quickly, no matter how outraged we pretend to be. MONICA SHOWALTER
TRUMP AND THE MURDERING 9-11 MUSLIM SAUDIS…
Why is the Swamp Keeper and his family of
parasites up their ar$es??
https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2019/03/trump-and-9-11-murdering-saudis-will-he.html
WHAT WILL TRUMP AND
HIS PARASITIC FAMILY DO FOR MONEY???
JUST ASK THE
SAUDIS!
https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2019/03/trump-flees-to-mar-swamp-amidst-mueller.html
JOHN DEAN: Not so far. This has been right by the letter of the special counsel’s
charter. He’s released the document. What I’m looking for is relief and
understanding that there’s no witting or unwitting likelihood that the
President is an agent of Russia. That’s when I’ll feel comfortable, and no
evidence even hints at that. We don’t have that yet. We’re still in the process
of unfolding the report to look at it. And its, as I say, if [Attornery General
William Barr] honors his word, we’ll know more soon.
WHAT WILL TRUMP AND
HIS PARASITIC FAMILY DO FOR MONEY???
JUST ASK THE
SAUDIS!
*
https://mexicanoccupation.blogspot.com/2019/03/trump-flees-to-mar-swamp-amidst-mueller.html
*
JOHN DEAN: Not
so far. This has been right by the letter of the special counsel’s charter.
He’s released the document. What I’m looking for is relief and
understanding that there’s no witting or unwitting likelihood that the
President is an agent of Russia. That’s when I’ll feel comfortable, and no
evidence even hints at that. We don’t have that yet. We’re still in the process
of unfolding the report to look at it. And its, as I say, if [Attornery General
William Barr] honors his word, we’ll know more soon.
“Our
entire crony capitalist system, Democrat and
Republican
alike, has become a kleptocracy
approaching
par with third-world hell-holes. This
is the
way a great country is raided by its elite.” ---
-
Karen McQuillan AMERICAN THINKER
PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES DONALD TRUMP: Pathological
liar, swindler, con man, huckster, golfing cheat, charity foundation fraudster,
tax evader, adulterer, porn whore chaser and servant of the Saudis dictators
Opinion: Trump And
Pompeo Have Enabled A Saudi Cover-Up Of The Khashoggi Killing
In the weeks
following the death of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, President Trump spent
more time praising Saudi Arabia as a very important ally than he did
reacting to the killing.
Hasan Jamali/AP
Aaron David Miller
(@aarondmiller2) is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace and a former State Department Middle East analyst, adviser and negotiator
in Republican and Democratic administrations. He is the author most recently of
the End of Greatness: Why America Can't Have (and Doesn't Want)
Another Great President.
Richard Sokolsky, a nonresident
senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, worked in the
State Department for six different administrations and was a member of the
secretary of state's Office of Policy Planning from 2005 to 2015.
It has been
a year since Saudi journalist and Washington
Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi entered Saudi Arabia's
Consulate in Istanbul where he was slain and dismembered. There is still no
objective or comprehensive Saudi or American accounting of what occurred, let
alone any real accountability.
The Saudi
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's admission in a recent CBS interview that
he takes "full responsibility," while denying foreknowledge of the
killing or that he ordered it, sweeps under the rug the lengths to which the
Saudis have gone to obscure the truth about their involvement in the killing
and cover-up.
The Saudi campaign of obfuscation, denial and cover-up would never
have gotten off the ground had it not been for the Trump administration's
support over the past year. The president and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo
not only refused to distance themselves from the crown prince, known by his
initials MBS, but also actively worked to relegitimize him. The Saudis killed
Khashoggi but Trump acquiesced in the cover-up and worked hard to protect the
U.S.-Saudi relationship and soften the crown prince's pariah status. In short,
without Trump, the attempted makeover — such as it is — would not have been
possible.
The
Saudis killed Khashoggi but Trump acquiesced in the cover-up and worked hard to
protect the U.S.-Saudi relationship and soften the crown prince's pariah
status.
Weak administration response
The administration's weak and feckless
response to Khashoggi's killing was foreshadowed a year before it occurred. In
May 2017, in an unusual break with precedent, Trump visited Saudi Arabia on his
inaugural presidential trip; gave his son-in-law the authority to manage the
MBS file, which he did with the utmost secrecy; and made it unmistakably clear
that Saudi money, oil, arm purchases and support for the administration's
anti-Iranian and pro-Israeli policies would elevate the U.S.-Saudi
"special relationship" to a new level.
Predictably,
therefore, the administration's reaction to Khashoggi's killing was shaped by a
desire to manage the damage and preserve the relationship. In the weeks
following Khashoggi's death, Trump spent more time praising Saudi Arabia as a
very important ally, especially as a purchaser of U.S. weapons and goods, than he did reacting to the killing. Trump
vowed to get to the bottom of the Khashoggi killing but focused more on
defending the crown prince, saying this was another example of
being "guilty before being proven innocent."
Those
pledges to investigate and impose accountability would continue to remain
hollow. Over the past year, Trump and Pompeo have neither criticized nor
repudiated Saudi actions that have harmed American interests in the Middle
East. Two months after Khashoggi's death, the administration, in what Pompeo
described as an "initial step," imposed sanctions on 17
Saudi individuals implicated in the killing. But no others have been
forthcoming, and the visa restrictions that were imposed are meaningless
because none of the sanctioned Saudis would
be foolish enough to seek entry into the United States.
What's more,
the administration virtually ignored a congressional
resolution imposing sanctions on the Saudis for human rights abuses
and vetoed another bipartisan resolution that would have ended U.S. military
assistance to Saudi Arabia's inhumane military campaign in Yemen.
The Saudis
opened a trial in January of 11 men implicated in the killing, but the
proceedings have been slow and secretive, leading the United Nations' top human
rights expert to declare that "the trial underway in Saudi Arabia will not
deliver credible accountability." Despite accusations that the crown
prince's key adviser Saud al-Qahtani was involved in the killing, he's still
advising MBS, has not stood trial and
will likely escape punishment. A year later, there are still no reports of
convictions or serious punishment.
Legitimizing Mohammed bin
Salman
The Trump
administration has not only given the crown prince a pass on the Khashoggi
killing, but it has also worked assiduously to remove his pariah status and
rehabilitate his global image. Barely two months after the 2018 slaying, Trump
was exchanging pleasantries with the crown prince at the
Group of 20 summit in Buenos Aires and holding out prospects
of spending more time with him. Then this past June, at the G-20 in Osaka,
Japan, Trump sang his praises while dodging questions about the killing.
"It's an honor to be with the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, a friend of
mine, a man who has really done things in the last five years in terms of
opening up Saudi Arabia," Trump said.
And you can
bet that when Saudi Arabia hosts the G-20, scheduled to be held in its capital
of Riyadh in November 2020, the Trump administration will be smiling as its
rehab project takes another step in its desired direction.
What the U.S. should have done
Trump has
failed to impose any serious costs or constraints on Saudi Arabia for the
killing of a U.S. newspaper columnist who resided in Virginia or for the
kingdom's aggressive policies, from Yemen to Qatar. In the wake of the
Khashoggi killing, the administration should have made it unmistakably clear,
both publicly and privately, that it expected a comprehensive and credible
accounting and investigation. It
should have suspended high-level contacts and arms sales with the kingdom for a
period of time. And to make the point, the administration should have supported
at least one congressional resolution taking the Saudis to task, in addition to
triggering the Magnitsky Act, which would have required a U.S. investigation; a
report to Congress; and sanctions if warranted.
Back to business as usual
The dark
stain of the crown prince's apparent involvement in Khashoggi's death will not
fade easily. But for Trump and Pompeo, it pales before the great expectations
they still maintain for the kingdom to confront and contain their common enemy,
Iran, as well as support the White House's plan for Middle East peace, defeat
jihadists in the region and keep the oil spigot open.
Most of
these goals are illusory. Saudi Arabia is a weak, fearful and unreliable ally.
The kingdom has introduced significant social and cultural reforms but has
imposed new levels of repression and authoritarianism. Its reckless policies
toward Yemen and Qatar have expanded, not contracted, opportunities for Iran,
while the Saudi military has demonstrated that, even after spending billions to
buy America's most sophisticated weapons, it still can't defend itself without
American help.
Meanwhile,
recent attacks on critical Saudi oil facilities that the U.S. blames on Iran
have helped rally more American and international support for the kingdom.
When it
comes to the U.S.-Saudi relationship and the kingdom's callous reaction to
Khashoggi's killing, the president and his secretary of state have been
derelict in their duty: They have not only failed to advance American strategic
interests but also undermined America's values in the process.
TRUMP AND HIS SAUDIS
https://townhall.com/columnists/lindachavez/2018/10/19/the-saudi-challenge-n2529694
The Saudi Challenge
Jamal Khashoggi's murder
-- and no one now questions whether the Washington Post contributor was killed
by Saudi agents in the kingdom's consulate in Turkey -- has far-reaching
implications for the Trump administration. President Donald Trump appears to
want to help sweep the incident under the rug, providing cover for the Saudis'
ludicrous suggestion that the killing was a rogue operation or an interrogation
gone awry. And he's enmeshed the highest officials of his administration in the
mess by sending Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to Riyadh, where the secretary
was photographed, all smiles, sitting with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman,
who most likely ordered Khashoggi's murder. The administration is giving itself
little leeway to take serious measures to protest the killing, signaling to the
world that the U.S. cannot be counted on to stand up against bloodthirsty
autocrats, even when a U.S. resident and member of the American press is the
victim.
I doubt
that Trump understands -- or cares about -- what message he's sending. Wealthy
Saudis, including members of the extended royal family, have been his patrons
for years, buying his distressed properties when he needed money. In the early
1990s, a Saudi prince purchased Trump's flashy yacht so that the
then-struggling businessman could come up with cash to stave off personal
bankruptcy, and later, the prince bought a share of the Plaza Hotel, one of Trump's
many business deals gone bad. Trump also sold an entire floor of his landmark
Trump Tower condominium to the Saudi government in 2001. During
the campaign, the Trump Organization registered more than a half-dozen limited
liability companies in the kingdom, in anticipation of cashing in on Trump's
enhanced renown. When Trump actually won (which apparently he didn't think he
would at the time), someone must have explained he couldn't move ahead with new
business there as president, because he withdrew the registrations. Of course,
a little thing like benefiting from the office of the presidency hasn't stopped
the Trump Organization, run by the president's two eldest sons, from accepting
Saudi largesse since the election. With many Trump properties and brands losing
customers in today's highly polarized political atmosphere, Saudis are spending
lavishly on Trump properties in Washington, New York and even Chicago as many
others avoid them.
But if Trump doesn't get
why looking the other way when an American journalist is tortured, beheaded and
hacked to pieces by a team of Saudi government operatives is bad, surely
national security adviser John Bolton and Secretary Pompeo do. Autocrats are
stepping up their game around the world. Russian President Vladimir Putin
didn't hesitate to order a hit on British soil of an ex-KGB agent and his
daughter earlier this year. But the United Kingdom responded quickly, kicking
out Russian diplomats and imposing sanctions. The United States followed suit,
but only because Congress, not Trump, knew that to do otherwise would have let
down an ally and encouraged a despot. When asked in a "60 Minutes"
interview Sunday whether he believes that Putin was involved in the poisoning
and other assassinations, Trump's response was: "Probably he is, yeah. ...
But I rely on them. It's not in our country."
The Trump administration
relies on Saudi Arabia, too. It is the enemy of our enemy Iran, which, in
political calculus, makes Saudis our "friends." But even friends
require reining in at times. And these friends need us more than we need them.
We are no longer dependent on oil imports; our oil reserves surpass those of
Saudi Arabia. Although Trump worries about losing that promised $110 billion
Saudi arms purchase he keeps touting (but which has yet to materialize), the
Saudis don't have anywhere else to go if they want to keep their airplanes in
the air. They are locked in by past purchases; no one else can deliver the
spare parts for U.S.-built weapons. As for the help in challenging Iran, they
have no choice there, either. Iran is far more a direct threat to the kingdom
than it is to the U.S. And as for their most crucial role -- the war on Islamic
terrorism -- the Saudis claim to fight terrorism but are also a major source of
funding for radical Islamic schools and mosques that recruit terrorists around
the world.
The administration has
only a short time to come up with a proper and proportionate response to the
murder of Jamal Khashoggi. The president thinks Americans will move on -- but
his inaction makes the world a more dangerous place. And next time, the attack
just might be on American soil.
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