Barack Obama: ‘Evangelical Hispanics’ Overlooked Trump Saying ‘Racist Things About Mexicans’
President Donald Trump boosted his share of Latino votes because of religious and social issues, not because of his successful economic record, according to former President Barack Obama.
Obama made the claim as he admitted November 25 to a radio host that urban Democrats are often oblivious to the views of people outside their social circle.
“People were surprised about a lot of Hispanic folks who voted for Trump,” Obama told The Breakfast Club, a radio show run by Lenard Larry McKelvey, who calls himself “Charlamagne tha God.” Obama continued:
But there’s a lot of evangelical Hispanics who, you know, the fact that Trump says racist things about Mexicans, or puts detainees, you know, undocumented workers, in cages — they think that’s less important than the fact that, you know, he supports their views on gay marriage or abortion, right?
Obama’s comments echoed his 2008 dismissal of midwestern voters’ economic worries in a speech to elite donors in San Francisco:
You go into some of these small towns in Pennsylvania, and like a lot of small towns in the Midwest, the jobs have been gone now for 25 years and nothing’s replaced them. And they fell through the Clinton Administration, and the Bush Administration, and each successive administration has said that somehow these communities are gonna regenerate and they have not. And it’s not surprising then they get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.
Numerous post-election surveys show that the GOP’s share of the Latino vote grew because most Latinos want to be ordinary Americans, and to escape from their assigned task of brown voters in the Democrats’ diverse alliance of racial identity groups.
Because they are ordinary Americans, Latinos liked Trump’s good economic record — median household income rose by seven percent in 2019! — and they liked the GOP’s support for anti-crime laws and other mainstream priorities — including marriage and abortion.
For example, on November 23, moderate author Christopher Caldwell wrote in the far-left New Republic magazine:
Trump didn’t sell out his supporters. In fact, his presidency saw something extraordinary, even if it was all but invisible from the country’s globalized cities: the first egalitarian boom since well back into the twentieth century. In 2019, the last non-Covid year, he presided over an average 3.7 percent unemployment rate and 4.7 percent wage growth among the lowest quartile of earners. All income brackets increased their take. That had happened in the last three Obama years, too. The difference is that in the Obama part of the boom, the income of the top decile rose by 20 percent, with tiny gains for other groups. In the Trump economy, the distribution was different. Net worth of the top 10 percent rose only marginally, while that of all other groups vaulted ahead. In 2019, the share of overall earnings going to the bottom 90 percent of earners rose for the first time in a decade.
…
the great demographic surprise of the election—Trump’s uptick among Black and Latino men—owed more to this wage progress than to Lil Wayne’s endorsement, or to Trump’s musing aloud that he had done more for Blacks in America than any president since Abraham Lincoln.
Even Politico admitted:
But, in interviews with more than a dozen experts on Hispanic voters in six states, no factor was as salient as Trump’s blue-collar appeal for Latinos. “Most Latinos identify first as working-class Americans, and Trump spoke to that,” said Josh Zaragoza, a top Democratic data specialist in Arizona, adding that Hispanic men in particular “are very entrepreneurial. Their economic language is more aligned with the way Republicans speak: pulling yourself up by your bootstraps, owning your own business.”
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“Most Latinos in this country are working class,” [Harvard academic Ryan] Enos said. “One would have to assume that this identity of being working class is more important than this identity of being Latino.”
Even the New York Times posted an op-ed admitting that most Latinos dislike Obama-style identity politics. Breitbart News reported:
The political problem for Biden’s progressive allies is that only about 25 percent of Latinos identify themselves as a progressive-style “people of color” identity group, the authors said. The majority of Latinos “rejected this designation [because] they preferred to see Hispanics as a group integrating into the American mainstream, one not overly bound by racial constraints but instead able to get ahead through hard work.”
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For example, numerous polls show that Latinos say they favor immigration but they strongly prefer border security, oppose welfare for migrants and want employers to hire Americans before importing workers.
Breitbart News reported polling data that shows Latinos favor Trump’s immigration policies:
Exit polling conducted by Zogby Analytics for the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) found that Hispanic voters — including those who voted for Democrat Joe Biden — are overwhelmingly supportive of reducing overall legal immigration to the U.S., nearly as much as white Americans.
For instance, nearly 73 percent of Hispanic voters said they support reducing immigration while tens of millions of Americans are jobless or underemployed. This is just a five percent difference between white Americans who support reducing immigration.
Similarly, 6-in-10 Hispanic voters said overall legal immigration should be reduced even after the U.S. recovers from its unemployment crisis to “protect American jobs” for Americans. This is only a six percent difference between white Americans who support the policy.
Left-wing ProPublica outlet shows how foreign teenagers migrate to US factory jobs.
This violation of US child-labor laws is enabled by ACLU, AILA immigration lawyers, biz lobbies, journos & Democratic pols, who demands the release of 'kids in cages!'https://t.co/R815prNEDd— Neil Munro (@NeilMunroDC) November 20, 2020
U.S. Weekly Jobless Claims Jump to 778,000
New weekly jobless claims jumped up to 778,000 in the week ended November 21, the Department of Labor said Thursday.
Economists had expected jobless claims to fall t0 730,000 from the 742,000 initially reported a week ago. The previous week’s level was revised up by 6,000 to 748,000.
This is the second week of claims following the U.S. presidential election and may be viewed as a proxy for business reaction to the election. It is also the second consecutive week of rising claims.
Jobless claims—which are a proxy for layoffs—remain at extremely high levels. Prior to the pandemic, the highest level of claims was 695,000 hit in October of 1982. In March of 2009, at the depths of the financial crisis recession, jobless claims peaked at 665,000.
Even when the economy is creating a lot of demand for workers, many businesses will shed employees as they adjust to market conditions. But in a high-pressure labor market, those employees quickly find jobs and many never show up on the employment rolls. What appears to be happening now is that many workers who lose their jobs cannot quickly find replacement work and are forced to apply for benefits.
Claims hit a record 6.87 million for the week of March 27, more than ten times the previous record. Through spring and early summer, each subsequent week had seen claims decline. But in late July, the labor market appeared to stall and claims hovered around one million throughout August, a level so high it was never recorded before the pandemic struck. Claims moved down again in September and hade made slow, if steady, progress until the election.
New restrictions on businesses aimed at stemming the resurgence of coronavirus are likely contributing to the rise in layoffs. Some states and cities have imposed new curfews and discouraged people from leaving home for non-essential reasons.
Claims can be volatile so economists like to look at the four-week average for a better view of the health of the labor market. This jumped by 5,000 to 748,500 for the week ended November 21.
Continuing claims—those made after the initial filing, representing ongoing unemployment—get reported with a week’s lag. For the week ended November 7, these came in at 6,071,000, a decrease of 299,000. Although continuing claims have continued to decline, the pace of the decline slowed from the prior week’s 429,000 drop off. This second-derivative measure indicates that the labor market is softening. The four-week moving average for continuing claims fell to 6,615,000, a decrease of 438,000 from the previous week’s revised average. This too represents a slower pace of improvement compared with the previous week.
The highest insured unemployment rates in the week ending November 7 were in California (7.9), Hawaii (7.1), Nevada (6.9), the Virgin Islands (6.9), Alaska (6.3), Massachusetts (6.1), Illinois (5.9), Georgia (5.8), District of Columbia (5.6), and New Mexico (5.5)
"Mexican president candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador called for mass immigration to the United States, declaring it a "human right". We will defend all the (Mexican) invaders in the American," Obrador said, adding that immigrants "must leave their towns and find a life, job, welfare, and free medical in the United States."
Poll Shows Growing Democratic Opposition to Cheap Labor Migration
A Rasmussen poll shows that Democrats are moving towards pro-American migration policies as Joe Biden prepares to implement pro-migrant, pro-business labor policies.
A May 2020 question asked respondents if they favored admitting more foreign workers for blue collar jobs, just 54 percent of Democrats agreed that it is “better for businesses to raise the pay and try harder to recruit non-working Americans even if it causes prices to rise.”
But that score jumped 10 points, to 64 percent, in the post-election November 15-19 poll of 1,250 likely voters.
Similarly, in the May poll, 33 percent of Democrats said they preferred government to “bring in new foreign workers to help keep business costs and prices down.” In November, the response dropped 1o points to 23 percent, and the share of Democrats favoring cheap labor migration dropped from one-third to one-quarter.
A smaller shift was seen among self-described liberals. Their preference for Americans rose from just from 58 percent before the election up to 61 percent after the election. Their support for extra foreign workers slumped from a pre-election share of 30 percent down to 24 percent after the election.
The November poll showed few significant shifts among Republicans, “other” voters, or moderates.
The Democratic shift towards pro-American migration policies is bad political news for Democratic leaders who expect Democratic legislators to import more cheap labor for special interests, such as New York City, and for establishment donors, such as the investors at FWD.us, the Business Roundtable, or the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
Just 19 percent of all voters support the establishment’s preference for importing foreign workers. Sixty-six percent prefer the populist demand for “businesses to raise the pay and try harder to recruit non-working Americans,” according to the Rasmussen data.
That is 3.5-to-1 opposition — and the GOP is hoping to win a House majority in just 24 months.
Many other polls show deep and broad opposition to cheap labor migration — and to the inflow of temporary contract workers — such as H-1B and OPT workers — for the technology and management jobs sought by American graduates.
The Rasmussen “Immigration Index” is a fever chart of the public’s fluctuating priorities on immigration limits. For example, when President Donald Trump enforced the law, the chart ran high with increased Democratic opposition. But with Biden heading towards the White House — while threatening to loosen border controls — Democrats are not voicing more support for the border curbs that protect their jobs and wages from ruthless CEOs and desperate migrants.
“With likely new President Joe Biden vowing to undo many of the immigration restrictions imposed by President Trump, the Rasmussen Reports Immigration Index … fell to 96.6 from 102.6 the week before, said a report by Rasmussen Reports.
The Rasmussen index is a fever chart of the public’s contradictory feelings towards immigration limits. For example, when President Donald Trump enforced the law, the chart ran high with increased Democratic opposition.
Rasmussen reported:
When businesses say they are having trouble finding Americans to take jobs in construction, manufacturing, hospitality and other service work, 66% of voters [up from 64 percent in May, 2020] say it is better for the country if these businesses raise the pay and try harder to recruit non-working Americans even if it causes prices to rise. Just 19% disagree [vs. 23 percent in May] and say it’s better for the country if the government brings in new foreign workers to help keep business costs and prices down. This is a new high and ties the low for this question. Sixteen percent (16%) are undecided.
In 2019, Trump’s lower migration policies helped to spike Americans’ median household income by 7 percent.
In contrast, Biden and his team want to flood Americans’ labor market with foreign workers and flood Americans’ housing market with foreign renters.
Overall, open-ended migration is praised by business and progressives partly because migrants help transfer massive wealth from American wage-earners to stockholders.
Migration moves money from employees to employers, from families to investors, from young to old, from children to their parents, from homebuyers to real estate investors, and from the central states to the coastal states.
Migration also allows investors and CEOs to skimp on labor-saving technology, sideline U.S. minorities, ignore disabled people, exploit stoop labor in the fields, shortchange labor in the cities, impose tight control and pay cuts on American professionals, corral technological innovation by minimizing the employment of American graduates, undermine Americans’ labor rights, and redirect progressive journalists to cheerlead for Wall Street’s priorities and claims.
Hapless Americans can't recover from China's coronavirus without the help of illegal migrants and stoop-labor in the fields, says an op-ed touted by cheerleaders for high-tech investors and billionaires.https://t.co/JLxITK73Ny
— Neil Munro (@NeilMunroDC) November 16, 2020
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