America Faces No Greater Threat Than Joe Biden and the Democrat Party. Their Assault to Our Borders Is As Great As Their Assault to Free Speech and Free Elections
Wednesday, December 2, 2020
GLOBALIST DEMOCRAT JOE BIDEN'S PLAN FOR OPEN BORDERS TO KEEP WAGES DEPRESSED
Alejandro Mayorkas: A Portrait of the
Intended Nominee for DHS Secretary
Will a Senate confirmation hearing recall troubling integrity scandals
and heavy-handed re-direction on immigration law and fraud enforcement?
Feds: Plants that Hired Illegal Aliens Paid Unlawful Wages, Hired
a Child…open borders…it’s all about keeping wages depressed and passing along
the true cost to middle America
Former Vice President Joe Biden will
nominate Alejandro Mayorkas to run the Department of Homeland Security (DHS),
despite his role in creating huge Latin American migration and his involvement
in several visas-for-sale scandals.
Joe Biden's pick to run the DHS immigration
agency – Alejandro Mayorkas – is a political gift for the GOP, says Jessica
Vaughan at CIS: "Cronyism, corruption, swampiness, and the immigration
issue."https://t.co/859b16NhN4
OPEN BORDERS
AND A NATION FLOODED WITH ‘CHEAP’ LABOR
Former Vice
President Joe Biden will nominate Alejandro Mayorkas to run the Department of
Homeland Security (DHS), despite his role in creating huge Latin American
migration and his involvement in several visas-for-sale scandals.
THERE
MAY BE NO GREATER THREAT TO AMERICA THAN THE PARASITIC LAWYER CLASS!
They are
institutionally trained in law school to lie, steal, cheat and game the legal
system on behalf of the lawyer class and the white-collar criminals they
represent.
Big Tech and Big Law
dominate Biden transition teams, tempering progressive hopes
"Along
with Obama (LAWYER) Biden (LAWYER), Pelosi and Schumer (LAWYER) are
responsible for incalculable damage done to this country over the eight
years of that administration." PATRICIA
McCARTHY
Add
the Banksters’ rent boy Eric Holder (LAWYER) and the up and coming Swamp
Empress Kamala Harris (LAWYER, SO IS HER SHADY HUSBAND)…but keep
counting….(LAWYER) Brian Deese, Obama-Biden’s loot-for-Wall Street guy.
Hauser also didn’t like
the prevalence of Big Law talent on the Department of Justice team, which
signaled to him that the Biden administration could go soft on corporate
malefactors.
Serious ethical lapses and heavy-handed management tactics
Washington, D.C. (December 1, 2020) - A new analysis by the Center for Immigration Studies examines the man tapped to become U.S. Department of Homeland Security secretary, Cuba-born Alejandro "Ali" Mayorkas. As secretary, Mayorkas would run one of the country's largest bureaucracies, with some 240,000 employees and would have far-reaching impact on all forms of legal and illegal immigration.
Mayorkas’ public service legacy features serial ethical imbroglios, a pointed de-emphasis on immigration fraud and law enforcement, and strong-arm management tactics to spike acceptances of immigration and asylum applications in disregard of eligibility.
Todd Bensman, the Center’s senior national security fellow, said, “Mayorkas has a long track record in public service, with serious ethical blemishes along the way. While the U.S. Senate may well approve a nomination on the basis of the good in his track record, lawmakers also are obliged to consider serious ethical lapses and heavy-handed management tactics that at times seemed to prize political favoritism over good governance.”
Bensman continued, “The DHS secretary appointment is one of the most important and far-reaching of the presidential cabinet posts when it comes to enforcing immigration law and setting immigration-related policy priorities. That being the case, any portrayal of Alejandro Mayorkas does not serve the public interest if it is only partial, with the redactions and omissions allowed so far.”
Mayorkas served President Barack Obama as head of USCIS from 2009-2013, and as deputy secretary for DHS from 2013-2016, before retiring to a blue-chip law firm in Washington, D.C. In October 2010, about a year after Mayorkas's appointment to head USCIS, Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) penned a complaint to then-DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano, which raises questions about Mayorkas's fealty to immigration and asylum law enforcement. The Grassley letter, citing anonymous employee allegations, accused the top USCIS official of laying heavy-handed pressure on career employees to squeeze out higher volumes of immigration application approvals for the agency's "customers", while undermining fraud and ineligibility detection efforts.
Following an investigation, Grassley later wrote, "Unfortunately, the evidence suggests that Director Mayorkas is fostering an environment that pressures employees to approve as many applications as possible and condones retaliation against those who dissent," he wrote.
Later a 2015 DHS Inspector General report found Mayorkas inappropriately helped companies associated with powerful Democratic Party figures reverse employment visa denials for wealthy foreign nationals. In three specific cases Mayorkas "exerted improper influence in the normal processing and adjudication" of the visas, "inserted himself in unprecedented ways" in the adjudication process, and "intervened with the career USCIS staff in ways that clearly benefited the stakeholders.
Contrary to any effort to pitch him today as an asylum fraud crusader, Mayorkas did little or nothing either to free the FDNS investigators, add to their ranks, or generate more fraud case referrals. A damning December 2015 GAO report found that FDNS asylum fraud prosecutions rarely, if ever, occurred during the Mayorkas years.
Business
groups are already pushing GOP Senators to approve Alejandro Mayorkas as Joe
Biden’s homeland security secretary.
The group is touting Mayorkas’
confirmation as support for “Dreamers” — the younger migrants illegally brought
into the United States before 2007.
But if the GOP blocks Mayorkas from
getting the top job at the Department of Homeland Security, the defeat will
demonstrate broad opposition to the low-wage, high-profit economy favored by
Mayorkas and his amnesty supporters, and by many of Biden’s deputies and
pro-migration donors.
The November
30 letter by roughly 100 business groups and companies said:
This important and welcomed
selection by President-elect Biden signals his commitment to protecting
Dreamers, and we look forward to working with his administration on common
sense proposals that will provide legal certainty for Dreamers and avoid
significant disruptions to the American workforce and economy.
The
pro-Mayorkas coalition describes itself as the “Coalition for the American
Dream.” It includes many companies that
have outsourced white-collar jobs to India’s visa workers, as well as companies
that gain when a flood
of migrant labor prevents a wage-boosting shortage of
American workers.
The members include the National
Association of Manufacturers, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Marriott
International, Amazon, Cisco, the National Milk Producers Federation,
Microsoft, Ikea, Google, Facebook, Doordash, and the National Retail
Federation.
The group is
backed by FWD.us,
an advocacy group created by Mark Zuckerberg and other
investors. The group was founded in 2013 to expand the federal
government’s economic policy of importing cheap immigrant labor and
welfare-aided immigrant consumers.
The
Democrats are
backing Mayorkas, even though there is minimal
public support — and declining
Democratic support — for cheap labor immigration policies. Just
19 percent of all voters support the establishment’s preference for importing
foreign workers, and 66 percent prefer the populist demand for “businesses to
raise [Americans’] pay and try harder to recruit non-working Americans,”
according to Rasmussen
Reports.
Under
Trump’s reduced immigration policies, median household income jumped seven
percent in 2019. Also, Trump’s populist policies helped create a huge
GOP turnout in 2020, so boosting GOP seats in the House and blocking
Democrat gains in state legislatures.
The business groups know their
cheap labor agenda is unpopular and a threat to politicians’ reelection.
So their three-cornered strategy is
to rush the amnesty through Congress as an early win for Biden, to
rationalize the amnesty as a quick boost for the national economy (but not for
individual workers), and to stigmatize the public opposition by insisting the
amnesty repays a moral debt to illegal migrants.
“One of the
things we all experienced during [the tenure of President Barack Obama] was
that immigration was pushed for later,” according to Alida Garcia, the vice
president of advocacy for the investors at FWD.us. “The later you go, the
harder everything gets because [legislators] people prioritize their own
reelection,” she told CNN for a November 29 article.
“This is a must-prioritize now as
both an economic driver for this nation that is dealing with a crisis. … And a
moral driver after the harm that’s been done to immigrants by the Trump
administration,” Garcia told CNN.
Mayorkas’ nomination will be
reviewed by the Senate’s homeland defense committee, likely chaired by Sen. Rob
Portman, R-Ohio.
Portman is
up for reelection in 2022. and voted
against Mayorkas in 2013. The other GOP members include
Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky.; James
Lankford, R-Okla; Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah; Sen Mike Enzi, R-Wyo.; Rick
Scott, R-Fla.; and Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo.
Mayorkas’ questionable record
includes several visas-for-sale scandals, the disregard of migrant fraud, and
his encouragement of the huge migration of Latin American migrants into U.S.
jobs and neighborhoods.
The man tapped to become U.S. Department of
Homeland Security secretary, Cuba-born Alejandro "Ali"
Mayorkas, would wear
many hats running one of the country's largest bureaucracies. With some 240,000
employees, the DHS conglomeration created after 9/11 melds counterterrorism
intelligence, emergency management, cybersecurity, the U.S. Coast Guard, and
the U.S. Secret Service. But the planned nomination also portends far-reaching
impacts on all forms of legal and illegal immigration.
Already, the
61-year-old Mayorkas has shown early interest in an oversight role over U.S.
Customs and Border Protection (CPB), Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE),
and the agency he once headed, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS).
But despite
largely laudatory media reviews of a Mayorkas appointment, his public service
legacy features serial ethical imbroglios, a pointed de-emphasis on immigration
fraud and law enforcement, and strong-arm management tactics to spike
acceptances of immigration and asylum applications in disregard of eligibility.
While media
organizations may have trod lightly over these trouble spots, a Senate
confirmation process required for a DHS secretary nomination likely won't, a
public interest that argues for re-visitation and a more complete picture of
how Mayorkas may manage this policy area.
The son of
Jewish-Cuban refugees who fled the 1959 communist revolution, Mayorkas served President Bill Clinton as an
appointed U.S. attorney in California from 1998 through 2001, President Barack
Obama as head of USCIS from 2009-2013, and as deputy secretary for DHS from
2013-2016, before retiring to a blue-chip law firm in Washington, D.C. He
served perhaps most controversially as head of USCIS, the huge
immigration-benefits management agency that oversees asylum approval processes,
a fraud detection corps, residency and visa application processes, the E-Verify
and SAVE immigration status-checking systems, and the citizenship
naturalization process.
In their
initial coverage, Politico, the
Washington Post, the New
York Times, National
Public Radio, and
other media organizations quoted former friends, colleagues, and Democratic
figures praising Mayorkas for his experience and centrist politics. But the
exuberant coverage largely tokenized several ethically questionable moments in
Mayorkas's public service career dating to his California U.S. attorney days,
leaving an incomplete portrait.
For instance,
in its article about the prospective Mayorkas nomination, the Washington Post
noted that only "Republicans" are likely to bring up a 2015 DHS Inspector General
report that
found Mayorkas inappropriately helped companies associated with powerful
Democratic Party figures reverse employment visa denials for wealthy foreign
nationals. The Post did not elaborate on its brief description of the scandal.
However, the
public interest in that matter and others to be described, as well as
Mayorkas's unconventional actions with regard to legal and illegal immigration,
arguably extends beyond "Republicans" to everyone in Congress with a
vote on the nomination, and to anyone who cares about corruption or how
immigration and border security policy develops next.
Views on
Immigrants and Immigration
Where
Mayorkas stands on the core issues should not be hard to guess, given that
Biden nominated him with a clear agenda. Biden has promised to reverse most
Trump deterrence-focused policies for those likely to incentivize legal and
illegal immigration. Biden, for instance, has promised to end deportations for
his first 100 days, suspend construction on the southern border wall, reopen
the severely abused asylum system to all comers, reduce detentions, and work
toward amnesties for all of the illegally present.
As to where
Mayorkas fits on the political spectrum, one tell is that no Republican voted
to confirm him as DHS deputy secretary in 2013. A clue as to where on the
open-borders spectrum to place him is that some of the
biggest fans of a Mayorkas appointment are those who favor the lightest possible
immigration enforcement touch, the most expansive application
of asylum law, and the entrance of the greatest number of
legal or illegal immigrants, press reporting and social media show.
Mayorkas was
the architect of Obama's Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) policy
that legalized some 700,000 mostly adult "dreamers" who arrived in
the United States illegally as minors. Back in civilian life, where he
associated with pro-immigration groups like the American Immigration Lawyers
Association, which celebrated
the nomination announcement,
Mayorkas continued to speak out in support of granting amnesty to dreamers.
Emblematic of
the partisan divide certain to persist on immigration after a Mayorkas
confirmation were other congratulatory endorsements by migrant advocate groups,
such as a quote reflecting the joy of Janet Murguia, president of UnidosUS
(originally the National Council of La Raza), which opposes
what it terms "indiscriminate" immigration enforcement. She told the New York Times that
"after four long, dark years" of the Trump administration and "a
general contempt for Latinos from the highest office in the land, Mayorkas's
nomination signals a new day for the Department of Homeland Security and for
all our country."
In
post-service civilian life, Mayorkas served as a board member for the refugee resettlement
agency HIAS, which advocates for higher numbers and liberal application of
asylum regulations and against detention. HIAS was among many groups that
also congratulated Mayorkas for the pending
appointment.
Mayorkas
wasted no time telegraphing which part of the vast DHS portfolio interested
him: immigration and asylum.
"When I
was very young, the United States provided my family and me a place of
refuge," Mayorkas wrote on
Twitter following
Biden's announcement about him. "Now, I have been nominated to be the DHS
Secretary and oversee the protection of all Americans and those who flee
persecution in search of a better life for themselves and their loved
ones."
Later,
he messaged his intention to further the
department's work to "advance our proud history as a country of
welcome."
While none of
these policy attitudes should surprise Washington insiders, a record of
unconventional past actions suggests the extent to which the next Mayorkas
incarnation may emphasize opening the gates wider rather than scrupulously
enforcing the letter of immigration law.
Pressuring
Employees to "Get to Yes" on Visas Applications, Forget Fraud
In October
2010, about a year after Mayorkas's appointment to head USCIS, Sen. Chuck
Grassley (R-Iowa) penned a complaint to then-DHS Secretary Janet
Napolitano. Its contents, though a decade old now, raise questions about
Mayorkas's fealty to immigration and asylum law enforcement.
The Grassley
letter, citing anonymous employee allegations, accused the top USCIS official
of laying heavy-handed pressure on career employees to squeeze out higher
volumes of immigration application approvals for the agency's
"customers", while undermining fraud and ineligibility detection
efforts.
After
receiving an "inadequate response" from Mayorkas, Grassley's office
interviewed seven employees, examined hundreds of pages of supporting
documents, and presented the results in the letter to Secretary Napolitano.
"Unfortunately,
the evidence suggests that Director Mayorkas is fostering an environment that
pressures employees to approve as many applications as possible and condones
retaliation against those who dissent," he wrote.
Among the
inquiry's chief findings:
Mayorkas had
become "visibly agitated" during a visit to USCIS's California
offices when told employees there wanted to root out fraud. "Why
would you be focusing on that instead of approvals?" he reputedly
demanded. A witness said "his message was offensive to a lot of
officers who are trained to detect fraud."
At a management
conference, Mayorkas directed top officials to find ways always to
"get to yes" regarding "customer" immigrants who filed
visa applications. He told his subordinates to "look at petitions
from the perspective of the customer" and that the goal was
"zero complaints", implying that approvals were the means to
that end.
At a conference
in Landsdowne, Va., Mayorkas said there were some "managers with
black spots on their hearts" who can't see their way to grant
benefits and that he was "dealing" with them and also
subordinates "too close" to them, with immediate involuntary
re-assignments.
The California
USCIS office was told to abandon an important anti-fraud measure that
checked for high-risk applicants on a government database, and fraud
specialists had to stop investigating such applications.
Perhaps as
preemptive strike against any recollection of Grassley's 2010 letter, the
latest media reporting about the Mayorkas DHS secretary nomination praises his
ostensible track record of going after immigration fraud.
The
Washington Post story
allowed an
unchallenged quote from John Sandweg, a former acting ICE director who served
with Mayorkas, saying "One of the things Mayorkas was proudest of creating
was the USCIS Fraud Detection and National Security Directorate [FDNS], to
emphasize that vetting was crucial in giving out immigration benefits."
In fact, the
FDNS was created as a small unit in 2004 with the creation of USCIS after 9/11
exposed severe systemic flaws easily exploited by terrorists. Further, while he
may have signed an order to upgrade FDNS from a unit to a directorate,
Government Accountability Office (GAO) reports about rampant asylum fraud and
lack of prosecution during the Mayorkas years beg to differ with claims that he
was ever interested in effectively vetting applications.
A
damning December
2015 GAO report found
that FDNS asylum fraud prosecutions rarely, if ever, occurred during the
Mayorkas years. It found that half of the eight USCIS field divisions had
referred either one fraud case to U.S. attorney's offices from 2010 to 2014 or
none at all. One office reported that not a single referral had been accepted
in the prior two years. Another reported that its U.S. attorney had accepted no
asylum fraud referrals since 2010.
Besides
strong-arming USCIS employees to "get to yes" instead of valid
denials or fraud investigations, another reason for this dismal showing during
Mayorka's 2010-2013 USCIS years was that the very FDNS directorate heralded in
the Post story was never allowed to refer cases to prosecutors, subpoena
witnesses, or even carry guns.
Under a 2008
memorandum of understanding that Mayorkas would have freshly inherited,
the FDNS asylum fraud unit was
required always to refer fraud cases to ICE Homeland Security
Investigations officers, making them subordinate to ICE's enforcement
priorities and limited resources. In practice, asylum fraud cases had to
compete with many more attention-getting types of cases, such as human
smuggling and trafficking, transnational gangs, and intellectual property
theft. Even had the FDNS officers been allowed to do their own asylum fraud
investigation jobs, there were only 34 of the shackled officers by 2015 to
cover eight field offices nationwide, which processed hundreds of thousands of
cases annually, the GAO report found.
Contrary to
any effort to pitch him today as an asylum fraud crusader, Mayorkas did little
or nothing either to free the FDNS investigators, add to their ranks, or
generate more fraud case referrals.
In his 2010
letter, Grassley asked for documents and data that would help verify the
allegations, but nothing that came of the request stalled Mayorkas's fortunes.
He served several more years, his standing among Democratic leaders serving him
well through a far more serious ethics investigation by the DHS Office of
Inspector General.
The
Inspector General's Investigation of Mayorkas
The DHS
Office of Inspector General (OIG) investigation centered around Mayorkas's
alleged interference in the already fraud-riddled and abused EB-5 visa program
by which wealthy foreigners can essentially achieve U.S. residency and eventual
citizenship if they invest $500,000 (raised since his tenure to $900,000) in
the U.S.
The OIG case
launched in 2012 on the strength of "an extraordinary number of DHS
employees" who came forward to report that Mayorkas was providing
"special access and special favors" to a handful of EB-5 visa
applicants who were wealthy foreign national associates of powerful U.S.
Democratic figures and office-holders doing the asking.
Many of the
investors seeking EB-5 visas were Chinese nationals hoping to sink millions
into:
1.Film projects with connections to
former Democratic Pennsylvania Governor Edward Rendell, the mayor of Los
Angeles, and Hollywood businessmen in late 2011.
2.A hotel and casino project in Las
Vegas that was being pushed by U.S. Democratic Sen. Harry Reid in 2013 on
behalf of some law clients of the senator's son, Rory.
3.An industrial investment fund's
proposed hybrid vehicle factory in Virginia promoted by former Virginia Governor
Terry McAuliffe and Hillary Clinton's brother, Anthony Rodham, from 2011
through 2013.
The OIG
concluded that in these three cases Mayorkas "exerted improper influence
in the normal processing and adjudication" of the visas, "inserted
himself in unprecedented ways" in the adjudication process, and
"intervened with the career USCIS staff in ways that clearly benefited the
stakeholders.
"In each
of these three instances, but for Mr. Mayorkas's intervention", the report
summary noted, "the matter would have been decided differently."
None of the
visa applicants would ever consent to OIG interviews, nor were the
investigators ever able to find Mayorkas's emails and internal communications.
Mayorkas has
always disputed the
findings of improper intervention, saying he took a hands-on approach in cases
only to strengthen the program's integrity.
Commutation
of a Drug Trafficker's Sentence
A 2001
episode from Mayorkas's last days as a U.S. attorney in the central California
district has less to do with immigration, but is relevant in that it speaks to
an apparent willingness to bend rules for the Democratic Party powerful.
Mayorkas
allegedly used the weight of his office and access to the Clinton White House
to request commutation of a convicted drug dealer's federal prison sentence.
President Clinton followed through with the commutation of a 15-year
cocaine-trafficking sentence in 1994 for Carlos Vignali, Jr.
The
intervention happened after Vignali's Los Angeles real-estate developer father,
Horacio, rounded up an array of powerful Democratic political and civic leaders
to pressure Mayorkas to help the cause, a 2002
congressional investigative report concluded.
Among those
the senior Vignali enlisted was
another Hillary Clinton brother, Hugh Rodham, who received $204,000 to successfully connect
White House staff to Vignali's network of Democratic leaders in Los Angeles.
"U.S.
Attorney Alejandro Mayorkas provided critical support for the Vignali
commutation that was inappropriate, given his position," the congressional
report stated. "Mayorkas, the top federal prosecutor in Los Angeles, was
asked by Horacio Vignali to call the White House in support of his son's
clemency petition. Mayorkas then called the White House about the Vignali
commutation" and later conceded that "his call conveyed support for
the Vignali commutation ... despite his knowledge that the prosecutors
responsible for the Vignali case opposed clemency."
Perhaps more
troubling, during his 2013 Senate hearing, Mayorkas provided lawmakers with an
alternative set of facts when asked. He testified under oath that the Clinton
White House initiated the phone call, not Mayorkas, and that "I informed
them that I did not support the commutation."
Mayorkas
declined interview requests for a 2015
Wall Street Journal story about the "conflicting versions" he provided different
government overseers.
A More
Complete Portrait
Mayorkas'
total service need not be judged entirely by the blemishes on his public
service record. His relatively unmarred three years as DHS's deputy secretary
expanded Mayorkas's range of expertise beyond immigration to, for instance,
cybersecurity and domestic counterterrorism, his particular interest in
funneling security grants to combat anti-semitism much-praised.
But all indications so far show that Mayorkas would spend
time and effort on his immigration portfolio if confirmed. Integrity and ethics
issues like the unrelated Vigliano commutation episode when Mayorkas was a U.S.
attorney still need to be taken into account because they transcend any
particular policy area. The integrity problems and management tactics of
Mayorkas's not-so-distant past demonstrate his problematic susceptibility to
bend convention to external lobbying. Given the stakes invested in leadership
of such a large and consequential public agency as DHS, these all ought to be
properly recounted and assessed.
Joe Biden’s Allies Warn of Blue-Collar Migrant Invasion
Former Vice President Joe Biden’s pro-migration policies are inviting another blue-collar migration flood across the southern border, say his Democrat allies.
Biden has promised to reverse many of President Donald Trump’s pro-American policies, but “if Biden hits reverse too hard, it could cost him politically,” read a November 24 column by Noah Smith, a pro-migration columnist for Bloomberg:
In economic terms, a few hundred thousand Central American migrants will do little to hurt the U.S., but their presence will rile up law-and-order voters who bristle at the notion of people crossing the border illegally or skipping out on asylum hearings. That could hurt Biden with constituencies like Hispanic voters who live in the Texas border counties that swung hard to Trump in 2020.
“There are very real risks that sudden changes in policy could generate a surge of unauthorized migration: Recent experience has taught us that changing U.S. policies sends powerful signals to would-be migrants — and to their smugglers,” says a November 17 article by Andrew Selee, the president of the pro-migration Migration Policy Institute.
“I don’t think they’re going to be able to stop that,” said Jessica Vaughan, at the Center for Immigration Studies, which favors curbs on migration.
For example, she said, Biden has selected Alejandro Mayorkas to run the immigration system, despite Mayorkas’ role under President Barack Obama in welcoming migrants and triggering Obama’s huge Latin American migration that Trump finally stopped in early 2020.
Mayorkas will have a hard time deterring migration because millions of migrants — and their coyotes — know he wants to let them into jobs in the United States, Vaughan told Breitbart News on November 23. For example, Mayorkas pressured immigration officials to ignore fraud and to rubber-stamp migrants’ applications, she said, adding, “He said that [immigration] officers who refused applicants have black spots on their hearts and that they’re doing something wrong, and should be approving all these applications.”
The migration pressure will grow once coronavirus vaccinations allow Mexico and other regional countries to permit movement, warned Joseph Chamie, a population expert and a former director of the United Nations Population Division. He wrote on November 19 in TheHill.com:
Whether you’re for it, against it or indifferent about it, the migration surge is coming. Millions of men, women and children in developing countries are desperately seeking to emigrate to escape poverty, hunger, unemployment, violence, crime, human rights abuse, and environmental crises.
…
With the incoming government’s proposed changes to immigration policies, especially with respect to asylum seekers, undocumented migrants, migrating families and unaccompanied minors, a big migration inflow along the U.S southern border should not come as a surprise.
The coming surge of migrants can be expected to overwhelm immigration systems, including border control, security vetting, the courts, legal representation, medical clearance, shelter and quarantine facilities and operating costs. Particularly challenging for the authorities is deciding on how best to deal with migrating family units, unaccompanied minors and asylum seekers.
Biden will try to chart a course between his many pro-migration allies — including the many millions of foreigners who want to get into the United States — and millions of worried swing-voters, according to Smith.
Smith — who accepts the claim that Biden sincerely tried to exclude migrants when he was serving as vice-president — wrote November 24 that Biden:
will probably try to accept asylum seekers from Central America at a slow and ordered pace. Detention will probably persist, in a much more humane form. And Biden may even negotiate new, though less rigid, agreements to keep some asylum seekers at home as the administration tries to improve living conditions in those countries.
But the Democrats are eager to welcome more migrants, said Vaughan, and they know how to hide that unpopular welcome under loud promises to fix a “broken immigration system”:
Many people like to complain about an immigration system that is supposedly “broken,” but it’s not broken at all when someone like Mayorkas is at the helm and can [annually] wave in more than a million legal immigrants, nearly a million guest workers, and crank out a million work permits. That’s not broken — that’s working pretty well if what you want is unlimited immigration.
Under Obama and Biden, administration officials carefully opened many small and hard-to-see loopholes in the border — and disarmed border agencies with many other regulations. That covert policy gradually and deliberately let millions of blue-collar Latin Americans into the United States, so boosting business allies.
But the inevitable pressure from millions of would-be migrants flooded their stealthy pro-migration policies, causing a popular pushback in 2014 that set the stage for Trump’s surprise jump into presidential politics.
Like other white-collar pro-migration activists, Selee’s favored solution to the migration problem is to make it legal, regardless of the predictable impact on blue-collar Americans.
He would expand the legal inflow of foreign workers, asylum seekers, and refugees that will cut blue-collar wages and raise blue-collar housing prices, saying:
First and foremost, this new [migration] architecture needs to include some sort of labor pathway for Central Americans to do seasonal work in the United States.
…
identifying those in danger in their home countries either for protection in-country or for resettlement as refugees in the United States and other countries, efforts that are done on a small scale already but could be vastly expanded with the right attention and resources.
“[A] Biden administration can transition towards a new migration management architecture that creates opportunities for seasonal work and humanitarian protection, while investing in a better future for the region as a whole,” Selee concluded.
Rasmussen shows that some post-Trump Biden voters are feeling freer to protect blue-collar Americans from cheap-labor migration. That's decent, but it may not matter if legislators think those Biden voters can be pushed to back pro-amnesty Dems in 2022. https://t.co/VSPGVnkDim
No comments:
Post a Comment